The Bush Jr. /Cheney refusal to obtain additional authorization from Congress for this substantial enlargement of U.S. armed forces in Iraq constitutes an impeachable offense under the terms of Article II, Section 4 of the United States Constitution for violating the Constitution’s War Powers Clause and Congress’s own War Powers Resolution
If President Bush Jr. and Vice President Cheney are not stopped immediately by means of impeachment, they could readily set off World War III in the volatile Middle East, Persian Gulf and Central Asia, where two-thirds of the world’s hydrocarbon resources are up for grabs among the United States, Russia, China, and India. The Guns of August indeed.
O n the evening of 10 January 2007 in a nationally televised address to the American people from the White House, President Bush Jr. announced that he was going to “surge” an additional 21,500 U.S. troops into Iraq. Both President Bush Jr. and Vice President Cheney also made it perfectly clear that they would initiate this “surge” against the manifest will of the American people expressed in the U.S. national elections of November 2006 and without obtaining authorization by the U.S. Congress.
Both President Bush Jr. and Vice President Cheney invoked the President’s alleged powers as Commander in Chief of U.S. armed forces under Article II, Section 2, Clause 1 of the U.S. Constitution as authority for their unilaterally determined “surge”. But that provision was put into the Constitution for the purpose of guaranteeing the supremacy of civilian control over the U.S. military establishment . The Constitution made it clear in Article I, Section 8, Clause 11 that only both Houses of the United States Congress acting together had the power “To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make rules concerning Captures on Land and Water.” This is popularly known as the War Powers Clause of the U.S. Constitution.
Pursuant to its constitutional power under this War Powers Clause, and acting in order to prevent another Vietnam War, Congress enacted into law the 1973 War Powers Resolution [For full text see Annex below] over the veto by President Richard Nixon, which means that it was adopted by at least a two-thirds favorable vote in both the House and the Senate .
In specific respect to the 10 January 2007 “surge” of 21,500 more U.S. troops to Iraq, the War Powers Resolution explicitly requires that President Bush Jr. obtain additional authorization from Congress before going forward with the “surge,” which he did nonetheless unilaterally. Section 4(a) (3) makes it quite clear that the requirements of the War Powers Resolution are triggered:
“In the absence of a declaration of war [which we do not have for Iraq], in any case in which United States Armed Forces are introduced … (3) in numbers which substantially enlarge United States Armed Forces equipped for combat already located in a foreign nation . . .” [see below]
At the time we had about 132,000 troops in Iraq. Sending in an additional 21,500 troops would “substantially enlarge” those armed forces. Therefore, the Bush Jr. Administration required further authorization from Congress for this euphemistic “surge,” which is really a substantial escalation. The Bush Jr. /Cheney refusal to obtain additional authorization from Congress for this substantial enlargement of U.S. armed forces in Iraq constitutes an impeachable offense under the terms of Article II, Section 4 of the United States Constitution for violating the Constitution’s War Powers Clause and Congress’s own War Powers Resolution. (Editor: emphasis added)
The same constitutional arguments apply to the Bush Jr. Administration’s proposed substantial enlargement of U.S. armed forces in Afghanistan by one combat brigade of about 3,500 U.S. troops on top of the 21,000 U.S. soldiers already there .
Of course the War Powers Resolution also requires express authorization from the U.S. Congress before the Bush Jr administration can launch a military attack upon Iran, which it is currently threatening and preparing to do.
If President Bush Jr. and Vice President Cheney are not stopped immediately by means of impeachment, they could readily set off World War III in the volatile Middle East, Persian Gulf and Central Asia, where two-thirds of the world’s hydrocarbon resources are up for grabs among the United States, Russia, China, and India. The Guns of August indeed.
Francis A. Boyle is Professor of Law at the University of Illinois. He is author of Foundations of World Order, Duke University Press, The Criminality of Nuclear Deterrence, and Palestine, Palestinians and International Law, by Clarity Press. He can be reached at: FBOYLE@LAW.UIUC.EDU He is a frequent contributor to Global Research.
Public Law 93-148 93rd Congress, H. J. Res. 542 November 7, 1973
Concerning the War Powers of Congress and the President.
Resolved by the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. This joint resolution may be cited as the "War Powers Resolution".
PURPOSE AND POLICY
SEC. 2. (a) It is the purpose of this joint resolution to fulfill the intent of the framers of the Constitution of the United States and insure that the collective judgement of both the Congress and the President will apply to the introduction of United States Armed Forces into hostilities, or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances, and to the continued use of such forces in hostilities or in such situations.
(b) Under article I, section 8, of the Constitution, it is specifically provided that the Congress shall have the power to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution, not only its own powers but also all other powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.
(c) The constitutional powers of the President as Commander-in-Chief to introduce United States Armed Forces into hostilities, or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances, are exercised only pursuant to (1) a declaration of war, (2) specific statutory authorization, or (3) a national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces.
SEC. 3. The President in every possible instance shall consult with Congress before introducing United States Armed Forces into hostilities or into situation where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances, and after every such introduction shall consult regularly with the Congress until United States Armed Forces are no longer engaged in hostilities or have been removed from such situations.
SEC. 4. (a) In the absence of a declaration of war, in any case in which United States Armed Forces are introduced--
(1) into hostilities or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances;
(2) into the territory, airspace or waters of a foreign nation, while equipped for combat, except for deployments which relate solely to supply, replacement, repair, or training of such forces; or
(3) in numbers which substantially enlarge United States Armed Forces equipped for combat already located in a foreign nation; the president shall submit within 48 hours to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and to the President pro tempore of the Senate a report, in writing, setting forth--
(A) the circumstances necessitating the introduction of United States Armed Forces;
( the constitutional and legislative authority under which such introduction took place; and
(C) the estimated scope and duration of the hostilities or involvement.
(b) The President shall provide such other information as the Congress may request in the fulfillment of its constitutional responsibilities with respect to committing the Nation to war and to the use of United States Armed Forces abroad
(c) Whenever United States Armed Forces are introduced into hostilities or into any situation described in subsection (a) of this section, the President shall, so long as such armed forces continue to be engaged in such hostilities or situation, report to the Congress periodically on the status of such hostilities or situation as well as on the scope and duration of such hostilities or situation, but in no event shall he report to the Congress less often than once every six months.
SEC. 5. (a) Each report submitted pursuant to section 4(a)(1) shall be transmitted to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and to the President pro tempore of the Senate on the same calendar day. Each report so transmitted shall be referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives and to the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate for appropriate action. If, when the report is transmitted, the Congress has adjourned sine die or has adjourned for any period in excess of three calendar days, the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate, if they deem it advisable (or if petitioned by at least 30 percent of the membership of their respective Houses) shall jointly request the President to convene Congress in order that it may consider the report and take appropriate action pursuant to this section.
(b) Within sixty calendar days after a report is submitted or is required to be submitted pursuant to section 4(a)(1), whichever is earlier, the President shall terminate any use of United States Armed Forces with respect to which such report was submitted (or required to be submitted), unless the Congress (1) has declared war or has enacted a specific authorization for such use of United States Armed Forces, (2) has extended by law such sixty-day period, or (3) is physically unable to meet as a result of an armed attack upon the United States. Such sixty-day period shall be extended for not more than an additional thirty days if the President determines and certifies to the Congress in writing that unavoidable military necessity respecting the safety of United States Armed Forces requires the continued use of such armed forces in the course of bringing about a prompt removal of such forces.
(c) Notwithstanding subsection (b), at any time that United States Armed Forces are engaged in hostilities outside the territory of the United States, its possessions and territories without a declaration of war or specific statutory authorization, such forces shall be removed by the President if the Congress so directs by concurrent resolution.
CONGRESSIONAL PRIORITY PROCEDURES FOR JOINT RESOLUTION OR BILL
SEC. 6. (a) Any joint resolution or bill introduced pursuant to section 5(b) at least thirty calendar days before the expiration of the sixty-day period specified in such section shall be referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives or the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate, as the case may be, and such committee shall report one such joint resolution or bill, together with its recommendations, not later than twenty-four calendar days before the expiration of the sixty-day period specified in such section, unless such House shall otherwise determine by the yeas and nays.
(b) Any joint resolution or bill so reported shall become the pending business of the House in question (in the case of the Senate the time for debate shall be equally divided between the proponents and the opponents), and shall be voted on within three calendar days thereafter, unless such House shall otherwise determine by yeas and nays.
(c) Such a joint resolution or bill passed by one House shall be referred to the committee of the other House named in subsection (a) and shall be reported out not later than fourteen calendar days before the expiration of the sixty-day period specified in section 5(b). The joint resolution or bill so reported shall become the pending business of the House in question and shall be voted on within three calendar days after it has been reported, unless such House shall otherwise determine by yeas and nays.
(d) In the case of any disagreement between the two Houses of Congress with respect to a joint resolution or bill passed by both Houses, conferees shall be promptly appointed and the committee of conference shall make and file a report with respect to such resolution or bill not later than four calendar days before the expiration of the sixty-day period specified in section 5(b). In the event the conferees are unable to agree within 48 hours, they shall report back to their respective Houses in disagreement. Notwithstanding any rule in either House concerning the printing of conference reports in the Record or concerning any delay in the consideration of such reports, such report shall be acted on by both Houses not later than the expiration of such sixty-day period.
CONGRESSIONAL PRIORITY PROCEDURES FOR CONCURRENT RESOLUTION
SEC. 7. (a) Any concurrent resolution introduced pursuant to section 5(b) at least thirty calendar days before the expiration of the sixty-day period specified in such section shall be referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives or the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate, as the case may be, and one such concurrent resolution shall be reported out by such committee together with its recommendations within fifteen calendar days, unless such House shall otherwise determine by the yeas and nays.
(b) Any concurrent resolution so reported shall become the pending business of the House in question (in the case of the Senate the time for debate shall be equally divided between the proponents and the opponents), and shall be voted on within three calendar days thereafter, unless such House shall otherwise determine by yeas and nays.
(c) Such a concurrent resolution passed by one House shall be referred to the committee of the other House named in subsection (a) and shall be reported out by such committee together with its recommendations within fifteen calendar days and shall thereupon become the pending business of such House and shall be voted on within three calendar days after it has been reported, unless such House shall otherwise determine by yeas and nays.
(d) In the case of any disagreement between the two Houses of Congress with respect to a concurrent resolution passed by both Houses, conferees shall be promptly appointed and the committee of conference shall make and file a report with respect to such concurrent resolution within six calendar days after the legislation is referred to the committee of conference. Notwithstanding any rule in either House concerning the printing of conference reports in the Record or concerning any delay in the consideration of such reports, such report shall be acted on by both Houses not later than six calendar days after the conference report is filed. In the event the conferees are unable to agree within 48 hours, they shall report back to their respective Houses in disagreement.
INTERPRETATION OF JOINT RESOLUTION
SEC. 8. (a) Authority to introduce United States Armed Forces into hostilities or into situations wherein involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances shall not be inferred--
(1) from any provision of law (whether or not in effect before the date of the enactment of this joint resolution), including any provision contained in any appropriation Act, unless such provision specifically authorizes the introduction of United States Armed Forces into hostilities or into such situations and stating that it is intended to constitute specific statutory authorization within the meaning of this joint resolution; or
(2) from any treaty heretofore or hereafter ratified unless such treaty is implemented by legislation specifically authorizing the introduction of United States Armed Forces into hostilities or into such situations and stating that it is intended to constitute specific statutory authorization within the meaning of this joint resolution.
(b) Nothing in this joint resolution shall be construed to require any further specific statutory authorization to permit members of United States Armed Forces to participate jointly with members of the armed forces of one or more foreign countries in the headquarters operations of high-level military commands which were established prior to the date of enactment of this joint resolution and pursuant to the United Nations Charter or any treaty ratified by the United States prior to such date.
(c) For purposes of this joint resolution, the term "introduction of United States Armed Forces" includes the assignment of member of such armed forces to command, coordinate, participate in the movement of, or accompany the regular or irregular military forces of any foreign country or government when such military forces are engaged, or there exists an imminent threat that such forces will become engaged, in hostilities.
(d) Nothing in this joint resolution--
(1) is intended to alter the constitutional authority of the Congress or of the President, or the provision of existing treaties; or
(2) shall be construed as granting any authority to the President with respect to the introduction of United States Armed Forces into hostilities or into situations wherein involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances which authority he would not have had in the absence of this joint resolution.
SEC. 9. If any provision of this joint resolution or the application thereof to any person or circumstance is held invalid, the remainder of the joint resolution and the application of such provision to any other person or circumstance shall not be affected thereby.
SEC. 10. This joint resolution shall take effect on the date of its enactment.
CARL ALBERT Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JAMES O. EASTLAND President of the Senate pro tempore.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U.S.,
November 7, 1973.
The House of Representatives having proceeded to reconsider the resolution (H. J. Res 542) entitled "Joint resolution concerning the war powers of Congress and the President", returned by the President of the United States with his objections, to the House of Representatives, in which it originated, it was
Resolved, That the said resolution pass, two-thirds of the House of Representatives agreeing to pass the same.
Attest: W. PAT JENNINGS Clerk.
I certify that this Joint Resolution originated in the House of Representatives.
W. PAT JENNINGS Clerk.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
November 7, 1973
The Senate having proceeded to reconsider the joint resolution (H. J. Res. 542) entitled "Joint resolution concerning the war powers of Congress and the President", returned by the President of the United States with his objections to the House of Representatives, in which it originate, it was
Resolved, That the said joint resolution pass, two-thirds of the Senators present having voted in the affirmative.
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We keep hearing this President, Clinton and H.W. Bush speak of the New World Order but I wonder if any of us have given real thought as to what that means.
The rise is corporate power and the merging of business and government by outsourcing everything from the security at Homeland Security to the cooks for the troops shows that everything the government now does involves giant corporations getting our tax money to provide services formally provided by government employees. This is to save on pensions and wages. Although the costs of hiring private companies has not lowered the cost of providing these services, but raised it. The companies are in business to make profit.
This merging of business and government is called Corporatism. Laws are being passed every day to strengthen the government control over citizens, to protect corporations from responsibility and to weaken the individual citizens rights we see the rise of a new form of government. One with all the power concentrated at the top. With an Imperial President who thinks he is above the law and taunts the Congress to try and stop him.
The push to a New World Order has been in the making for about forty years. It's taken this long to break the unions, to consolidate the media, consolidate the banks, consolidate businesses into giant international conglomerates that have no loyalty to country or people, only profit and power.
Most people think that the Federal Reserve is part of the government. It's made up of twelve banks, privately owned that lend the government money to run. The national debt you hear about is owed to these private bankers. The IMF is made up of the private bankers of the richest countries coming together and the World Bank is the arm of the IMF that loans or grants money to poor nations to try and keep them from failing, with interest payable to the bankers of the private banks of the IMF. The debt owed to the Fed right now is, I believe, about $8 trillion, Owed to the private bankers who just keep printing more and more money for us to borrow. The income taxes you pay are to repay the bankers for the loans. The original income tax was supposed end when the cost of the war was paid back to the bankers, but the politicians just kept spending and spending and spending, until here we are, $8 trillion in debt to the private bankers.
The reason I posted the part about the banks was to show that the New World Order will be ruled, not by the working class but a ruling class, made up of the elite. The bankers, intellectuals, the interconnected web of societies elite. They consider themselves better to rule than the great unwashed. Jefferson felt that way too, but was overruled by sensible people who believed in people governing themselves.
The great port deal that is the talk of the town is just the tip of the iceberg. Foreigners have so much American money to spend and since we have nothing to export, as we quit manufacturing anything much, they have been buying our infrastructure, building, roads, ports, until there is not much of anything we can call truly American anymore. Mitch Daniels of IN just sold the rights to the toll road to an Australian/ Spanish firm to do away with state employees. Who would have thought the very roads we drive on are owned by foreigners? Outsourcing state jobs to India, etc. It just seems so unAmerican but it does make sense to the Republicans. The American worker will work for $5. an hour and be happy to get a job making that. In the New World Order all workerbees will be paid the same.
Once the Indians, the Chinese, the Russians, and others around the world have been brought up and the Americans, Europeans, etc have been brought down, the merging of the richest states into one international state, with one international bank, one international military will be easier to control.
The New World Order is quickly becoming a reality, the media won't cover it, the media is owned by the corporations who are owned by the bankers, who don't want us to know what is really going on. We are well down the road and.....
Books: George Bush - The Unauthorized Biography; 9/11: Synthetic Terrorism
Book Review: George Bush - The Unauthorized Biography
In The Unauthorized Biography of George Bush, authors Webster Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin chronicled the intricate maneuverings that landed the first Bush in the Oval Office after years as the head of the CIA, and helped us to understand what it means for a nation when you promote the top "spook" to the role of Chief Executive. This book studies Bush the First's rise to power in Texas, then in Washington, and explains how he adopted his father Prescott's technique of recruiting weak Democrats to run against him, thus assuring victory despite his lackluster character. Interestingly, Bush II has enjoyed two Presidential runs against the worst Democratic candidates since Dukakis, a fact that Tarpley shows us may have more to do with Republican strategy than many would suspect.
Digging into the crypt of Bush family secrets, The Unauthorized Biography summarizes US government documents establishing that Brown, Harriman, the New York investment bank in which Prescott Bush was a partner, financed Hitler's huge private armies during his rise to power. Similarly, since year 2000, Bush II has funneled billions of dollars to the private security industry, even amending the law to make it possible to contract out core government security functions to foreign companies, while making a job as a mercenary one of the highest paying opportunities for a red blooded American hankering to wear body armor and play Rambo. The Unauthorized Biography also explains how Brown, Harriman probably incited, or at the very least eagerly profited from, Hitler's takeover of Poland that promptly put an end to a troublesome strike at a Polish steel mill that the bankers owned. Once the Nazis controlled Poland, Brown, Harriman dedicated their mill to producing a vast tonnage of Nazi war materiel to throw against the Allies. When this came to light during the course of World War II, the US government seized the Hamburg-America Company, a Brown, Harriman front company, and all of its assets, for the crime of Trading With the Enemy. However, the law didn't prosecute the traitors at Brown, Harriman who had fattened themselves on a meal of American blood.
Again, in our current time period we find that the vast supplies of high-explosives that were sold to the Iraqi military during the reign of Saddam Hussein, have been thrown back at American soldiers and Iraqi citizens by the Iraqi rebels, whose cell-phone bombs are charged with ordnance manufactured right here in the USA. Additionally, it is unquestionable that United Defense Industries, which "went public" in year 2002, was a corporate spinoff of The Carlyle Group, in which both the Bush and Bin Laden families owned very large interests. United Defense Industries is now fifth from the top in US defense spending, a meteoric rise to the top of a tough business, but one that fits a pattern of success that the Bush family seems to enjoy. Because of the many correspondences between Bush I and Bush II, this book is particularly enlightening, and comes highly recommended for those who enjoy good research on an issue of unquestioned importance – the character of the people who are running our country.
Webster Tarpley's new book, Synthetic Terrorism, deals with the long-established practice, on the part of the US intelligence establishment, of sponsoring terrorist activity in other nations, and, he inevitably concludes, here at home on 9/11. First, the US government made the attacks on the World Trade Center possible through cozy relations with the Saudis that granted entry visas to Saudi passport-bearers regardless of their prior terrorist activities; second, the administration deliberately destroyed all forensic evidence from the WTC ruins, thwarting any analysis of why the towers inexplicably collapsed; third, the administration stymied Congressional investigation of the attacks; and fourth, the President's handlers have used terrorism to create an atmosphere of permanent fear, the perfect climate in which to nurture an overawing President who manipulates both Congress and the Courts in the interests of a strong foreign policy. Perhaps this is indeed the "New World Order" that the First Bush carelessly mentioned. Maybe history just had to wait for the Second Bush to mature into his role, or maybe the towers had to fall, before the world could realize that its Messiah, or its Manchurian Candidate, was already in the White House. Yes, Tarpley's vision is that grim. But in addition to formulating and documenting his accusations, Tarpley is good enough to imagine a truly kinder, gentler world, in which a President with a genuinely democratic and public-spirited agenda took the bullhorn in his hands while standing in the wreckage that lay at the heart of our greatest city. If the nation had been governed by such a President, here is what he might have said.
Today our country and our political system have been targeted by large-scale acts of terrorism. These are monstrous crimes against humanity, and they will not go unpunished. We send our solidarity to the brave firemen, policemen, military people, and office workers who have borne the brunt of this assault. We promise an equitable and equal compensation for the human losses of this day. Insistent and irresponsible voices have been raised in my own White House and in the intelligence agencies, and have inspired media reports attributing these attacks to Arab or Islamic terrorists of the al Qaeda Bin Laden organization. But this is no time for snap decisions or a rush to judgment when we are dealing with the present and future peace of the world. It is true that we have bitter enemies around the world, but the capabilities displayed today appear to go far beyond the technical and physical means available to al Qaeda. We must also recall that, under the reckless and irresponsible policies of my predecessors, the CIA had been one of the main sponsors of Bin Laden and al Qaeda. If we think back to the attack on the federal building in Oklahoma City in 1995, we remember that media voices attempted in the first hours to attribute that tragedy to the Arab world. Although I am convinced that we still do not know the full story of Oklahoma City, it is clear that the Arab world was not involved.
There are too many unanswered questions at this point. How were the terrorists who seem to have been involved allowed to enter the United States and operate freely in this country? Why was there no air defense over a period of one hour and fifteen minutes? I have ordered an immediate inquiry into this question, and in the meantime I have accepted the resignations of Gen. Myers of the Air Force, the deputy chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and of Gen. Bernhard of NORAD, whose agency failed the people today. There is also evident reason to believe that the CIA, the FBI, the NSA, and the Immigration and Naturalization Service have not performed satisfactorily, based on the fragmentary accounts available so far. I have therefore accepted the resignations of the leaders of those agencies, and of their principal deputies. I have furthermore accepted the resignation of the Secretary of Defense and his deputy, the Attorney General, the Secretary of Transportation, and of my National Security Adviser, since it is evident to me that they could not continue to serve the nation effectively because of the immense tragedy which has occurred on their watch. We rightly demand accountability from teachers, from railroad engineers, and from physicians. We therefore have all the more reason to demand accountability and responsibility from those who have been entrusted with the management of the executive departments, several of which have not served us well today.
Another question involves the collapse of the World Trade Center towers many minutes after they had been impacted by the airplanes. These events, as you know, represent an absolute anomaly in the history of skyscrapers. In particular, there is no explanation whatsoever for the collapse of building seven at five o 'clock in the afternoon. Accordingly, and consistent with our urgent measures to save any victims remaining in the rubble, I am ordering the Seventh Mountain Division of Fort Drum, New York, to seize control of the site of the World Trade Center, cordoning it off as a crime scene and taking immediate measures for preserving the evidence we must have to determine what really happened. Not one scrap of metal will be removed before a full forensic survey has been carried out. Contrary to media accounts, we have not been able to identify the flying object which apparently hit the Pentagon, although it seems likely that it was not a Boeing 757, and thus could hardly have been United flight 73. As for the tragedy over Shanksville, we are investigating whether this aircraft was shot down by our own forces, and why. All crash sites are being secured by military units, acting under my direct orders, whose loyalty to the Constitution is beyond question.
The overriding question is whether the criminals who acted today enjoyed support or collaboration from within our own country and even within our own government. I have created a special unit of federal investigators which will act under my direct orders and which will report to me and to me alone. The first task of that unit will be to determine why there was no air defense, in violation of the standard operating procedures of NORAD and the FAA. Another task will be to examine the entire roster of FBI and CIA double agents presently infiltrating terrorist groups and how they are managed, with a view to identifying possible factors of collusion. Another task will be to determine why our watch list procedures and other forms of vigilance were not effective in screening the criminals out.
As far as the FBI is concerned, I urge the Congress to join me in breaking up this tragically dysfunctional agency. After Ruby Ridge, Waco, the FBI crime lab, Wen Ho Lee, the Atlanta Olympics and Richard Jewel, the withheld documents in the McVeigh case, we now have September 11, 2001. The FBI has never recovered from the corruption and mismanagement instilled during the fifty year reign of J. Edgar Hoover, a man whom we know today to have been unfit for public office. The FBI has many dedicated public servants, but they are trapped today in a structure of incompetence, corruption, and worse. Accordingly, I am placing the FBI into receivership by executive order with immediate effect; this agency will operate for the time being under the direction of my special assistant for internal security.
In determining the full scope of what happened today, I need the help of all our citizens. If you know something important about what happened today, I want to hear it. Call the White House and talk with one of my staff, who are mobilized to take your calls. If you see anyone, including especially federal agents, attempting to tamper with evidence, or if a federal agent attempts to intimidate you into saying you saw or heard something you did not see, I want to know about that, too.
I am also determined to find out if foreign intelligence agencies or foreign citizens were involved in today's events. I am appointing myself as temporary Director of the CIA, and in that capacity I will undertake a comprehensive review of foreign operations on American soil. No foreign agency will be exempted, and I promise you a full initial progress report.
In addition to the immediate investigations I have mentioned so far, I am also empanelling a board of inquiry to study today's events and offer a second opinion on what may have gone wrong. I am asking Senator Byrd to be the chairman of this body, and Lawrence Walsh, a Republican, the former Iran-contra prosecutor, to be the vice chairman. I have invited former Secretary of the Treasury O 'Neill, former President Carter, General Zinni, former Governor Ryan of Illinois to serve. I am also actively soliciting participation by outsiders and academics who have been critics of our government policies of recent years. I am inviting Susan Sontag, Eric Foner, Noam Chomsky, Chalmers Johnson, Howard Zinn, and Seymour Hersh to become members of the board of inquiry. Let them play the devil's advocates, if they will, so long as we obtain truth and justice. They will all receive the necessary security clearances directly from me personally, if necessary. I will personally supervise the rapid declassification of documents as recommended by the board of inquiry in order to educate the public about the board's findings. We all remember the failure of the Warren Commission; that failure will not be repeated during my presidency.
I recall the words of President Eisenhower in the wake of the Kennedy assassination: the American people, he commented, will not be stampeded. I ask you to support your government and its constitutional institutions, and not to give way to the voices of hatred, fear, aggression, and paranoia. I promise that swift justice will be rendered for those who have struck us today, no matter who they turn out to be. These dastardly attacks will not force this great nation off course; they will not force us to become something we are not. We will remain ourselves. We will go forward in the great American tradition of the Monroe Doctrine, the Good Neighbor Policy, the Bretton Woods system, the Marshall Plan, and the Four Freedoms of the Atlantic Charter, starting with the freedom from fear.
Further attacks cannot be ruled out in the coming days and weeks. Because of the office I hold, and because of the constitutional responsibilities I must meet, I ask for your support — no matter what may happen during the coming days and weeks. Good night.
My beloved Chihuahua,
Tulle died on 8-27-2012
at the hospital, in my
arms due to her very
severe collapsed trachea.
She was 8 years
old. I have since
adopted two chihuahuas
since then. But I
miss my Tulle so much.
She was my e...
Thank you so much to
Pilar Farnsworth, our
dear friend and Associate
Minister at Essentials of
Life Holistic Enrichment
Center, for writing this
week's message for
us. I asked Pilar
to write to us in
preparation for the
Winter Solstice on Dec...