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Mar 26, 2006
                                What is Peace?

       What is Peace?  This question has echoed through the hallowed halls of human imagination for as long as beings had the faculties to conceive it.  Through all of this, peace has eluded our full understanding, basking in the light of realization just long enough to abscond back into the darkness.  What is proposed here is that peace, perfectly realized, is impossible.  Peace in all of its infinite and universal understanding will always prove to be a Goliath that our slings and pebbles of finite understanding can never conquer.  This however, does not mean that peace should be abandoned.  The very thing that prevents our species from realizing perfect peace is the very thing that makes it accessible to us all.  Perfect peace is not achievable because its very realization is not based on one concrete and immutable doctrine.  Instead, it is a concept in constant motion and reinvention.  In this way, when the process of peace stops, the realization of peace ceases to exist.  This can be likened to our own human bodies.  At any given moment, our bodies are in constant motion.  Our hearts beat, lungs inflate and deflate, and our neurons fire.  When these processes cease to happen, what we consider a biologically alive human being becomes a non-living mass of organic matter.  There is not a time in our biological life that upon the ceasing of these vital processes we can say that we are at the pinnacle of living.  Instead, the process of living defines biological life.  Likewise, peace is not defined by a final state of being, but through the process that it entails.  In this way, the process of peace comes to full fruition in the process of its realization instead in any possible finite realization.  The moment one stops to say “I have found peace” is the very moment peace is lost.  So how is this process realizable in our modern world or in our own societies?  What first must be done is to look at some of the major features within society that can either cultivate or hamper the process of peace.  Then, these features will be evaluated in the context of the United States. 


FEATURES OF A PEACEFUL SOCIETY.

           

A question that must be asked when talking about peace as a process is what exactly are these processes of peace?  The answer given by modern philosophers like Habermas would be the process that allows for the uncoerced search for ones self-understanding.  According to the modern moral order, this must be through the realization of freedom and equality of all individuals through individual rights and the institution of democracy.  At the heart of this for Habermas, is a type of discoursive communication within the public sphere.  Discoursive communication in this sense is a dialogue in which all parties can fairly and reasonably communicate their needs in this public sphere.  It is important to note that “fair” in this communication means that the communication is held between individuals are equals.  If this condition is not met, the communication becomes a miscommunication and perpetrates structural violence upon the weaker party.  Habermas also refers to the process as the goal, when prescribes that true discoursive communication must be marked with a “consistent actualization of the system of rights”(1), that requires, “a politics of recognition that protects the integrity of the individual in the life contexts in which his or her identity is formed”. (2) These life contexts refer to not only an identity that is built from the internal contexts of self but also the external contexts of ones cultural heritage or understanding.  In this way the normative aspects of a set of legal rights is canceled out by the ascription to “the bearers of individual rights an identity that is conceived intersubjectivley”. (3)  Therefore, a peaceful society under the conceptions given earlier can best be described as a society that allows for the peaceful cultivation of self-understanding, through mutual recognition, of all who take part in that particular society.

            The ideas put forward by Habermas gives us a good structure in which self-understanding and ultimately peace can be established in a constitutional democracy.  There remains the question of what in this process of peace through self-understanding can be used to validate the specific actions of a society as peaceful instead of violent.  If peace is an infinite and perfect ideal in which perfect realization of it is impossible, how can a peaceful society be measured?  Derrida provides an argument for this through his method of evaluating the levels of violence in a society in the terms of degrees of perfectibility.  The three major measuring points for Derrida are justice, unconditional hospitality, and unconditional forgiveness.  All of these points are seen as having two different registers, the conditional and unconditional.  What Derrida calls the conditional register is the realization of the ideal within a finite conception.  Justice in this conditional framework can be seen as social law that is at one point informed by the absolute ideal of justice but is constrained by “social and political dynamics”. (4)  Perfect justice on the other hand, is not restrained by these dynamics so it is able to move beyond the conceptions of law.  This is important because the perfect ideal of justice, because of its infinite and absolute characteristics, provides an inexhaustible demand for which law must answer by constantly challenging its own limits.  This dynamic is the same for both hospitality and forgiveness.  The degree then to which a social structure attempts to appraise its own limits and act upon these appraisals to more closely lend itself to the unattainable and perfect ideal, determines its level of violence.

            Now that these principles for a peaceful society have been laid out, they can now be applied to the social structures of the United States.  In order to do this the major features of American society that can be either legitimized or illegitimated by the aforementioned ideals will be explored.


THE U.S. AS A PEACEFUL SOCIETY


The United States is set up as a constitutional democracy and therefore should be to some extent based on the ideals in which Habermas created his framework.  This can be seen in the fundamental presuppositions of freedom and equality in its democratic communications.  However, multiculturalism has become a major challenge to the key concepts in the American public sphere.  What can be seen as the prevailing response to this challenge is the application of a doctrine of  tolerance.  Under the influence of a theory of individual rights, tolerance is reduced to a kind of insincere respect based on the legal requirement.  This respect is not based on understanding or the wish to understand the other.  It is instead based on the “reason of the strongest”, (5) in which the welcome offered to the other is structured around retaining and protecting individual sovereignty.(6)  Because of this Derrida considers tolerance as a rather imperfect realization of the absolute of unconditional hospitality.  Likewise, this refusal to understand the other hampers mutual recognition that in turn threatens true discoursive communication in the public sphere.  As mentioned earlier, if communication is not truly discoursive it threatens to revert to a distorted communication that reverts to structural violence.

This can be seen most prominently in the treatment of minorities in America.  The doctrine of tolerance becomes hypocritical when placed within the concept of equality and the American dream.  On one hand, the citizen is to respect the rights of another to have their own beliefs and culture, however, on the other hand this must be done through the lens of traditional American values, which in actuality could be considered European values.  This immediately puts any person who has not grown up in these conditions or those who do not necessarily come to agreement with the majority on what these values are, in a situation of coerced conformity.  Coerced conformity entails a communication in which one side is weaker than the other, which makes the individuals involved unequal.  With out an opportunity for mutual recognition, the weaker party risks being misrecognized or not recognized at all.  The minority is then relegated to a system of structural violence, in which equality and freedom is legally afforded, but the means to realize these rights are withheld.  Furthermore, tolerance fuels the misrecognition by alleviating the majority of the need to understand the other.

 What appears to be the biggest roadblock to changing the idea of tolerance is also a symptom of a problem that seems to hit the American concept of freedom and equality at its core.  This can best be described as a kind of stagnation of appraisal of traditional lines of values and ideas.  Habermas refers to this as a paternalistic system of rights that “ignores half of the concept of autonomy.” (7) The system of rights that dominate the public sphere are based on the historical and traditional conceptions that have been simply handed down to today’s citizen.  There is no room left for any real reconceptualization or discoursive legitimization to the extent to which things are to be seen as equal or fair.  This stunts the exercise of autonomy by the modern citizen by removing them from the process.  Without this, the vital connection between the individual rights of persons and the public autonomy of the citizen is severed, leaving nothing but a normative unchanging system of rights.  This can be seen in the apathetical attitude of many that there is no longer a need to fight for anything because the pinnacle of freedom and equality was reached years ago.  The only thing left to do is adjust a few things under the existing order and then spread it around the world.  This leads not only to structural violence of weaker groups internally, but the violence of forced conversion of these imperfectly realized ideals abroad. 

            The United States in respect to its policies on international relations has simply continued the problems found in the public sphere.  When the U.S. deals with another country, they often employ what Kant considered the right of invitation. (8)  It is not however the rights of invitation that causes the problem.  Instead, it is the use of this conditional hospitality as the means and the ideal.  It is true that in the concept of sovereignty, “unconditional hospitality cannot have a political or juridical status.” (9)  However, unconditional hospitality must not be completely ignored.  When the U.S. deals with another country, they do so under the assumption that American ideals must not be compromised.  This creates a situation in which there is no real chance for dialogue because the U.S. identity cannot be challenged.  An example of this can be seen at the United Nations conference on Environment and Development that was held in 1992.  When developing nations asked to include in the legislation the “Over-Consumption of resources by developed countries”, George Bush Sr. objected by stating that, “the American lifestyle is not up for negotiation.” (10)  In this scenario, the willingness to open up the American value system to challenge is non-existent.  There is no concept of unconditional hospitality that allows the rights of invitation to be pushed to their limits.  Because of this, the United States falls into an almost xenophobic state, which does not allow for dialogue with the international other.  The dynamic of international relations is then reduced to a will to power.  Those countries that cannot bolster or provide the resources to continue the American identity, have no worth and therefore their claims for recognition can be ignored.  The only times that communication is needed is to challenge the other to conform.  This is especially prominent in the project of modernity, in which the unique and insightful perspectives of other countries are not considered.  This kind of communication can lead to disastrous consequences both in the U.S. and abroad in which September 11 and the resulting “War on Terrorism” is an example.

            There seems to be at the heart of many of these problems a misperception that can be seen in the creation of our modern social imaginaries.  The main component of this could be seen as a loss of universal ideals, at least in the terms laid out by Derrida.  We believe in a doctrine that espouses that freedom and equality are inherent to each person.  One does not have to search for these rights, they are simply given.  However, they are placed in a context in which they reside completely in the finite realm.  The essence of this can be seen in our almost blind reliance on socially constructed laws.  By the enactment of these laws, we seek to secure the inherent rights we already have.  Any changes to these laws are done in the belief that perfect realizations of these rights are possible because there perfection is already within us.  This can lead to a stagnation in which once a system of laws is considered as perfect as possible they are left unquestioned.  Unfortunately, as laws are socially constructed, this leads to a normative set of values that no longer attempt to reach a higher understanding and instead, seek only to protect its own system.  This then leads to violence as the laws become unable to change with the conceptions of equality and freedom of the citizens it governs.  The only way to remedy this is to constantly reevaluate the system, so that it may mirror those it governs.  Unfortunately, what is often needed to create the impetus to evolve is a belief in an unattainable perfection that historically has been connected to the hierarchy and violence of the pre-modern order.  Because of this historical connection, we are often wary of making use of unrealizable perfection now.  However, as Derrida believes, we must make that connection because in positing that there is a higher ideal that cannot be reached it also means that we could never become satisfied with one single imperfect realization of it.  This would force a mentality of constant reappraisal, dialogue, and change.  This is where our modern concepts on the right to security can play a detrimental role.    

The need for security can become misleading, especially if it is done so in the terms of survival.  It seems reasonable that every individual has a right to be secure.  However, in terms of the search for self-understanding, there must also be the impetus to sacrifice some of that security in order to grow.  Change can be very intimidating but it is a necessary component of self-realization.  This is often lost in the American identity because we feel much safer if our own identities are kept safely at arms length from others.  Therefore, in an attempt to realize this we constitute a kind of legal equality, which allows each of us the protection to freely express our identities in a type of social vacuum.  Unfortunately, individual identity requires social recognition so this new concept only provides the basis for self-satisfaction not self-understanding.  This in many ways describes the attitudes taken in reference to the American duties of citizens.  We are afraid to truly engage the modern American government, because in doing so we open our own identities to scrutiny.  We withdraw from the public sphere in order to protect our identity just as the American government withdraws from international dialogue to protect its own identity.

            The main point to be taken from these comparisons is that principles of freedom, equality, and justice are the basis for peace.  This is not the case however, if they are conceived in one finite expression.  They instead reach true realization in the process of attaining the perfect ideal of each.  The perfect ideal provides the guidance to continuously reach a more perfect realization of itself.  America and the modern moral order have the basis in which to enact this kind of peace.  Unfortunately, with out any real concrete allowance for universal truths that must be attained, we settle for an imperfect realization that is inherent in our own selves.  We become like Dr.Pangloss going through out life believing that we live in the “best of all possible worlds.” (11)  It is only when we as individuals and as a group become satisfied with our present conception of peace that we not only create oppression but also stunt the chance for the self-understanding of future generations.     

                         



1  Jurgen Habermas.  “Struggle for recognition in the Denocratic Constitutional State”.  In  Multiculturalism: Examingin the Politics of Recognition .  Ed. Amy Gutman. Princeton University Press. New Jersey. 1992. pg 113


2 Jurgen Habermas  pg 113


3 Jurgen Habermas pg 113


4 Jurgen Habermas pg 164


5 Derrida. Deconstructing Terrorism pg161


6 Derrida. Deconstructing Terrorism pg 161


7 Habermas pg 112


 8 Derrida. Deconstructing Terrorism pg 162


9  Derrida. Deconstructing Terrorism pg 163


10 Peter Singer  One World: The Ethics of Globalization. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002
pg 2


11 Voltaire.  Candide. Dover publications, New York.1991 pg 3

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Posted: Mar 26, 2006 6:11pm
Mar 26, 2006
URBAN YOUTH, GANGS AND THE ROLE OF RECOGNITION


A place where death doesn't reside, just thugs who collide
Not to start beef but spark trees, no cops rollin by
No policemen, no homicide, no chalk on the streets
No reason, for nobody's momma to cry
-Nas (Thugs Mansion)


The epidemic of gang violence has become a problem that has captured the minds of most Americans. Whether it is the stylized depictions on TV or movies or the real life scenario urban youth face, it is a problem that threatens to overtake the urban community in the United States. Many have attempted to quell these problems through simply “getting tough on crime”; however just as one gang is stopped there are many more waiting to replace it. This type of gang intervention does not work because it only deals with the most obvious symptoms of the problem, while ignoring the root causes. Gangs do not form just because a couple of bad seeds want to cause trouble. Instead, urban youth form gangs as a response to the structural violence they face on an everyday basis. The system of rights that we all are guaranteed provide but a reminder to these youth that sometimes equality means something different depending on what side of the street you live on. The double standards that feed this idea can be seen in every aspect of the urban core, from failing schools, to gutted out neighborhoods with nothing left but liquor and convenience stores. Though the problem can be manifested in numerous ways, there is at the heart of it one simple cause: the denial of recognition of minorities in America. This denial creates a system in which the public and private autonomy of minority individuals is denied leading to structural violence in the form of physical, mental, and economic oppression. In the face of this, youth form gangs in which they seek to regain this recognition. Unfortunately, the structure that this often creates only perpetrates more violence. However, there are basic concepts in the gang structure that can provide a basis for a system of recognition that can work as a positive force to confront the oppression of the modern ghetto.

MISRECOGNITION AS A MEANS OF OPPRESSION

First, let us look further into how the denial of recognition can become such a destructive force. The majority of inhabitants in the inner city are comprised of minority populations, so to begin this discourse we must deal with the problem of racism. The basis of racism can be seen in what can be considered misrecognition. Misrecognition implies that an individual in a search for self-understanding is given, by the society around them, a false or misconstrued feedback. Misrecognition can be anything from basic characteristics to an all out denial of humanity. This can be seen in the early European conceptions of Africans as “subhuman” or native peoples as “savages”. These identities were placed on these groups not because that is what they were but because the Europeans could not or would not engage in true communication. Furthermore, with the movement of the European moral order from pre-modern to modern, the removal of the hierarchical system of separation left a void that was soon filled with cultural and racial separations. Therefore, for the status of the Europeans to remain intact it was imperative that they create a lower class through misrecognition of that class’s identity. Though the civil rights movement of the 1960’s removed much of the legal racism that existed in this country it failed to remove the more subtle structural violence that remains in many ways to this day. This is possible because though law now guaranteed equality it granted “freedom of choice and action that can be used differently and thus does not promote actual equality in life circumstances or positions of power.” [1]

THE ROLE OF TOLERANCE

Under the doctrine of equality, there has also been a recent emphasis put on tolerance. However, this concept as it is realized in America can do more harm than good. Under the influence of a theory of individual rights, tolerance is reduced to a kind of insincere respect based on the legal requirement. This respect is not based on understanding or the wish to understand the other. It is instead based on the “reason of the strongest”, [2] in which the welcome offered to the other is structured around retaining and protecting individual sovereignty. [3]
The doctrine of tolerance becomes hypocritical when placed within the concept of equality and the American dream. On one hand, the citizen is to respect the rights of another to have their own beliefs and culture, however, on the other hand this must be done through the lens of traditional American values, which in actuality could be considered European values. This immediately puts any person who has not grown up in these conditions or those who do not necessarily come to agreement with the majority on what these values are, in a situation of coerced conformity. Coerced conformity entails a communication in which one side is weaker than the other, which makes the individuals involved unequal. With out an opportunity for mutual recognition, the weaker party risks being misrecognized or not recognized at all. The minority is then relegated to a system of structural violence, in which equality and freedom is legally afforded, but the means to realize these rights are withheld. Furthermore, tolerance fuels the misrecognition by alleviating the majority of the need to understand the other. If under the auspice of tolerance another’s beliefs cannot be questioned, then the dialogue needed to understand those beliefs cannot be created. This allows any misconceptions or judgments made about the other to continue because there is no opportunity for them to be rebuked.

MODERN RACISM IN THE URBAN COMMUNITY

Modern racism can take the form of various latent forms of oppression including: biased hiring practices, lower wage rates for those who are hired, and the removal of municipal funding for predominantly Latino or African-American communities. This type of racism creates an economic disparity between minority individuals and the mainstream society. Coupled with the outsourcing of jobs within the inner city the individual is left with no choice but to find other forms of economic sustenance that due to the lack of opportunity, often leads to illegal activity. This illegal activity then reaffirms the stereotypes of those in power, leading to a never-ending cycle of prejudice and misrecognition.
Economic oppression, however, is not the only way in which racism affects the urban community. The process of recognition entails a social exchange in which the one being recognized receives feedback from another on their identity. Misrecognition then can cause stereotypes to be formed not only in the one recognizing the individual, but also in the individual themselves. In this respect, the individual takes this false recognition as being a legitimate communication about their identity. This leads to an internalization of the stereotype. In this situation, “self-depreciation becomes one of the most potent forms of oppression” [4], inasmuch as it destroys the potential for true self-understanding.
Since the coming of the industrial age, the inner city has been the gathering point for immigrants and migrants seeking jobs. These workers, many who were coming from rural or foreign backgrounds faced a way of life in the city that was in stark contrast to their own. A process of acculturation then had to be undergone in order to live in these new urban areas. This becomes particularly salient when these workers are of a different ethnic or cultural background. In these cases the type of acculturation is one sided in which the immigrant or migrant is forced to communicate on the terms of the values and ideals of the majority. The communication does not allow the individual to express their own unique identity in a framework of mutual recognition and therefore denies the person public autonomy. [5] Along with the denial of public autonomy, “socialization routines are definitely transformed when immigrants or migrants of low socioeconomic status must adapt to a place in the city.” [6] This is especially true in the case of social control institutions such as the family and schools. [7] In these situations, the family undergoes tremendous stress as the culturally prescribed roles and rules threatened or removed by the majority culture. This leads to a weakening of the family, and a further loss of a base for recognition. This continues when the children go to school. Schools are often set up to accommodate the majority culture without exceptions. This leaves the minority child at a disadvantage where learning is furthered hampered through a cultural barrier. In many cases, this leads to the child simply being left behind. This lack of two major social control mechanisms leaves the child helpless to create any type of real identity through recognition.

GANGS AS A RESPONSE TO OPPRESSION

One response to the denial of recognition was the creation of small autonomous groups that we now call gangs. The creation of these groups allowed urban youth to address many of the problems they faced. First, the withdrawal of the society at large from the Ghetto meant that the municipal needs of the ghettos were often ignored. The police rarely intervened to stop crime in these neighborhoods and when they did, they often caused more harm than good. Gangs addressed this problem as serving as a kind of community police that protected their respective neighborhoods. This is exemplified in the history of the Crips street gang in L.A., which was started initially as a community protection group. “Many of the young people of South Central Los Angeles were involved with small gangs. Those gang members roamed South Central taking property from anyone who feared them, including women and children. To protect the community, Tookie and Raymond organized the Crips.” [8]
Second, gangs provided a platform in which community concerns could be voiced. This purpose was also displayed in the Crips determination to be “A voice that would not only be heard by all but also felt by the white oppressor.” [9] This type of political awareness underscores many gang members’ views even today. This can be seen in the idolization of revolutionaries such as Che Guevara and Malcolm X.
Thirdly, in the midst of a society that ignored these groups, the gang provided a support system that fostered solidarity and a sense of connectedness to the individual’s culture. The first Pachucos in L.A. are a prime example of this. These individuals were second and third generation Latinos, who neither fit into the identity of mainstream America nor the identity of the countries they came from. In response to this, they started a “cultural rebellion” [10] by creating a new kind of style and identity within a structure that was the basis for the modern gang structure. This has also been marked as the beginning of the Chicano culture in America. In an environment that denied their recognition the Pachucos as well as modern gangs, create their own environment that could foster their demand for recognition.
Finally, the structural oppression that urban communities face often tears the family structure apart. As James Vigil comments, “in the face of job discrimination both parents may have to work. In the absence of affordable childcare, without close friends or relatives to care for them, children become latch-keyed and have to fend for themselves.” [11] Gangs provided a home for these children in which they could feel safe as well as loved. This familial relationship can be seen in everything from protection of ones home, to monetary and emotional support after a gang member gets out of jail.

THE PROBLEMS OF GANGS

Gangs however, have over time become increasingly violent, in which what was once a structure based on gaining recognition and support became a structure that perpetrated further violence on its members. This change can be seen as a function of the structural violence caused by the denial of true equality, and the modern moral order. In America, the prevailing theme in American values is the acquisition of status. The consumerist underpinnings of capitalism then merge this idea with material or monetary wealth. This value system penetrates the social imaginary of every individual including the otherwise closed off urban community. The problem arises in the fact that though urban youth receive these values they do not receive the means to attain them. Diego Muiro-Ramirez explains this in the terms of relative deprivation. This is defined in psychosocial terms as a "perceived discrepancy between men’s value expectations and their value capabilities." [12} Add this to a doctrine of professed equal rights, and you create the mindset of injustice in those in question. This allows for the legitimization of illegal activity because it is the only perceivable method of gaining the rights urban youth are taught they have. Therefore, as the acculturation to a system of status through wealth increases, so does the level of perceived injustice and in turn the level of violence permissible. This creates a rift in the community, as competition for status becomes the sole motivator. This alternative method for survival through violence can be seen in the use of the “business” [13] of the gang as a form of economic sustenance.
Misrecognition, as mentioned earlier, can also lead to self-depreciation in which one comes to devalue ones own group. When this happens, self-hatred is projected onto others in which “the rage turns inward: the gang kind blows away his mirror image, another gang kid” [14]
Along with this violence comes a situation in which the individual becomes even more withdrawn into a smaller circle of possible actors in which to be recognized. The further withdrawal then provides even fewer opportunities to identify with non-violent or non-gang forms of recognition. Additionally, once a person joins a gang, their range of movement is often limited to their neighborhood. This affects the mobility of the gang member’s family as well, because if given the chance to move the family cannot for fear of possible violence against their children by gangs in the new neighborhood. The strict codes of gangs do not often let members communicate with other gang or with those associated with other gangs, which limits the opportunities for further recognition. Furthermore, the recognition that is received is just as misconstrued and misunderstood. The reason for this can be again found in the absence of mutual recognition within the acculturation process. The miscommunication between competing identities and realities, leads to confusion and frustrates any attempt to realize self-understanding. This plays an important role in misrecognition “in that fragmented family values and beliefs, uneven schooling and Anglization, and culture contact and conflict changes, lead many youth to identify with the streets.” [15] These street realities, expressed by the gang as well as formulated by them create a subculture based on survival and security though violence. The demand for respect becomes a will to power in which a failure to live up to violent standards leads to a loss of honor, which in part defines identity.

THE POSITIVE ROLE OF GANGS

There is however, a basis in the gang that allows for positive social action. It is simply a matter of removing the violence as the sole alternative to survival. This is not easy but examples of this spontaneous change have appeared.
Urban Courage is a network of gangs within Mexico that have denounced the use of violence and instead work for non-violent social change. It began with one gang that “realized it wasn't normal for kids to be killing other kids we didn't even know, over petty turf wars, especially since the streets don't belong to gangs. Streets belong to all of society.” [16] Soon after, other gangs independently followed suit and they eventually came together to form the coalition Urban Courage.
Another example would be the Latin Kings and Queens of New York. The two gangs are present in almost every major city in the U.S. However, this particular chapter decided to convert the gang from its pre-existing form into a group based on non-violence and community service. The still retained the symbols and rituals of the Latin Kings and Queens but simply refuse to take part in the cycle of violence they can create.
Finally, one of the most striking examples of non-violent gang intervention can be seen in the case of Stanley “Tookie” Williams. Williams was a co-founder of the Crips and is currently on death row. While in prison, Williams began a program to keep kids out of gangs. He also facilitated via prison, the truce between the long time rival gangs the Bloods and the Crips. His work has earned him nominations for both the Nobel Peace and Literature prizes.
It can be argued that the type of mentality found in gangs is the perfect one for non-violent work. Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan was able to convert the Pathans, one of the world’s most ruthless warrior tribes, into the first and only nonviolent army that helped Gandhi remove the British from India. Khan was able to do this by appealing to the solemn sense of honor and dignity in the Pathans as well as their fearlessness in the face of death, to create an army that were disciplined enough to stand the British violence without fighting back. Gandhi himself often remarked that for Satyagraha to work it must be performed by those who are not afraid to fight. Gandhi even goes to the extent saying, “Where there is a choice only between cowardice and violence, I would advise violence.” [17] The code of the gang is based on many of the same characteristics as the Pathans, namely honor, courage, and loyalty. Furthermore, the problem that faced the Pathans is very much the same as urban youth. The Pathans were always unorganized because their code of honor often led them to fight amongst themselves. Likewise, the British held economic policies that often left the Pathans always fighting for resources. This parallels the usual structural oppression that forms in the ghetto as well as the violence community members perpetrate on themselves.
Nonviolence is important to this idea because it creates a situation in which dialogue can be created. Martin Luther King Jr. was able to create a dialogue with the American people simply because he did not result to violence. Instead, King appealed to the truth that all humanity was considered to share. Likewise, if gangs are going to provide the positive influence that they are often first created for, they must not appeal to violence but appeal to the truth. The only way to truly do this is through dialogue, and the only way to true dialogue is refusing a will to power. Gangs already have the ability to provide support as well as harness the vitality of the youth. What they lack is the ability to provide true recognition to their members. This discrepancy follows from the misperception that respect must be gained through physical violence, both within and outside the group.
Another important role gangs can play is by changing the mainstream culture as a whole. When any culture encounters another, regardless of the type of contact, each is changed. In the case of the urban community, and the larger majority, this culminates in a dynamic construction of cultural reality. The urban child wishes to be recognized in mainstream society so he or she tries to acquire its symbols of status (luxury items, money, power). At the same time however, the often-exaggerated attempts of urban communities to mimic the mainstream leads to a new set of symbols and practices. These new practices and symbols are then transmitted to the white suburbs where they become a part of the mainstream culture. This is what Ruben Martinez calls cultural dialogue. [18] Martinez elaborates on this when he says:
“Black rap is more popular with white suburban teens than with black kids; the vapid culture of the suburb leads them to desire their inner-city other. Middle-class kids talk the talk (black), wear baggies and Pendleton shirts (Chicano), turn their baseball caps backward, play out gangsta’ fantasies.” [19]
If the urban community has so much power in changing the cultural proclivities of mainstream society, then they have a very powerful mouthpiece in which to promote social change. If street gangs where based on community uplift and social change without violence, they could have a very effective means to assert their claims to the truth. Likewise, this could also uplift their assertion for recognition outside of the ghetto and into the mainstream public sphere. This however, is not a quick fix solution. It is not even the entire solution. It is instead a part of a wider change that must take place in not only the structures that perpetrate violence but also the underlying imaginaries that legitimize them. Gangs through social protest can also influence this change. The social awareness of the Black Panthers, Young Lords, and Brown Berets in the 60’s and 70’s is a perfect example. Though these groups at times perpetrated violence, the underlying structure helped renew their respective communities as well as give them a voice in the public area. It is also interesting to note that during these times of political awareness, “if you look at the neighborhoods... gang violence was at its lowest.” [20] This points to the effectiveness of simply giving a voice to inner-city minorities in dealing with gang violence. Social protest allows grievances to be heard, and in essence for those who are in marginalized groups a chance to exercise their autonomy. This is an important action, which not only betters the marginalized but also is necessary for the consistent actualization of rights in which social movements are key. [21]
The culture of violence that gangs often promote however must be halted. This is the key point and the one that is most problematic. This is not only because of the ingrained doctrine of violence of the street, but also because of the engrained doctrine of violence of our entire social imaginary. The entire American conscience is enveloped in a never ending mantra of might makes right. Our history books are a constant parade of war and violence, in which every turning point is based around a timeline of war. Our heroes are those who are willing to kill for land, property and freedom. It is little wonder why urban youth so easily embrace violence. What is needed is a movement that can reverse this cycle of violence. The struggle for civil rights in the 60’s changed the legal structure of America forever. However, what it failed to do is change the hearts and minds of every American. This left a system in which a true discoursive communication is not possible for minorities in America. The modern reaction to this is the creation of gangs that can either provide for the uplift of the community or allow for its demise. If fostered correctly, gangs can provide the vitality, courage, honor and solidarity that can create an effective social movement to counter the violence of the urban community

AN AMERICAN PROBLEM

The question of gang violence is not one that only affects those in the ghetto. The struggle for recognition, the violence, and the suffering of the ghetto is in many ways a barometer for the state of affairs in America as a whole. Regardless of their situation, “the ‘burb kid and the inner-city cholo or gangsta’ share the same existential void, and both fill it with the same violent aesthetic.” [22] This void is that which is created by the denial of a truly fulfilled life. As a society, we sell happiness as a commodity, wrapped up in pretty little packages or penthouse apartments. Our worth as a human has been reduced to an assessment of liquid assets and stock portfolios. This however does not provide the means to which we may infuse our existence with meaning, but instead leaves us feeling empty and denied. IN this way the suburban and urban child are both denied because they both adhere to the same unfulfilling doctrines of self-satisfaction. It is this doctrine, which, in the name of expedience, legitimizes violence as the sufficient means to the ends of self-understanding. No other alternative is offered, and in the terms of the majority who hold the power, none is needed. What follows from this is a culture of violence in which a will to power is the only goal. The violence of the inner city then is a wake up call to us all. We do not live in a vacuum. Instead, our identities are formed through a web of interconnected realities that can only bear fruit in a framework of mutual recognition. As Martin Luther King Jr. once said, “we are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.” [23] The struggles of the inner city then are the struggles of every American.


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[1] Jurgen Habermas. “Struggle for recognition in the Denocratic Constitutional State”. In Multiculturalism: Examingin the Politics of Recognition . Ed. Amy Gutman. Princeton University Press. New Jersey. 1992. pg114

[2] Derrida. Deconstructing Terrorism pg161

[3] Derrida. Deconstructing Terrorism pg 161

[4] Charles Taylor “Politics of Recognition”, In Multiculturalism: Examingin the Politics of Recognition . Ed. Amy Gutman. Princeton University Press. New Jersey. 1992.

[5] Jurgen Habermas. “Struggle for recognition in the Denocratic Constitutional State”. In Multiculturalism: Examingin the Politics of Recognition . Ed. Amy Gutman. Princeton University Press. New Jersey. 1992.

[6] James Diego Vigil. Urban Violence and Street Gangs, Annual Review of Anthropology.Vol. 32 2003. pg 234

[7] James Diego Vigil. Urban Violence and Street Gangs, Annual Review of Anthropology.Vol. 32 2003. pg 234

[8] Stanley Tookie Williams. “About Tookie”. www.tookie.com pg 1

[9] Beth Dyer, Sara White, Eliticia Vieyra. “The Crips” unpublished manuscript 2005 pg 3

[10] Ruben Martinez. East Side Stories. Powerhouse Books. New York. 2000 pg 4

[11] James Diego Vigil. Urban Violence and Street Gangs, Annual Review of Anthropology.Vol. 32 2003 pg 235

[12] Ruben Martinez. East Side Stories. Powerhouse Books. New York. 2000

[13] This refers to the illegal procurements of capital such as theft, robbery, or drug dealing.

[14] Ruben Martinez. East Side Stories. Powerhouse Books. New York. 2000 pg 10

[15] James Diego Vigil. Urban Violence and Street Gangs, Annual Review of Anthropology.Vol. 32 2003 pg 235

[16] Gary Gach. “Part Four of Peacemaking: The Power of Nonviolence”., American Reporter June 17, 1997. pg 1

[17] Mahatma Gandhi. “Nonviolence”. In The Essential Gandhi. Ed. Luis Fischer Vintage Books, New York. 2002 pg 137

[18] Ruben Martinez. East Side Stories. Powerhouse Books. New York. 2000 pg 19

[19] Ruben Martinez. East Side Stories. Powerhouse Books. New York. 2000 pg 19

[20] Luis Rodriguez. “La Vida Loca: Joseph Rodriguez and Luis Rodriguez on the “crazy life”. Eastside Stories . Powerhouse Books. New York. 2000 pg 178
[21] Jurgen Habermas. “Struggle for recognition in the Denocratic Constitutional State”. In Multiculturalism: Examingin the Politics of Recognition . Ed. Amy Gutman. Princeton University Press. New Jersey. 1992 pg 113

[22] Ruben Martinez. East Side Stories. Powerhouse Books. New York. 2000 pg 19

[23] Martin Luther King Jr. Why We Can’t Wait Penguin Putnum inc. New York, 2000.pg 65

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Posted: Mar 26, 2006 3:49pm
Mar 26, 2006
IS THE UNITED STATES A ROGUE NATION?
Since the fall of the Soviet Union, there has been talk by the United States and its allies about “rogue nations”. These rogue nations have replaced the Soviet Union in the role as the international threat to world security. The question remains, what is the definition of a rogue state? Is it blatant disregard for norms of the international community, such as human rights, state sovereignty, and international governing bodies like the United Nations or the International Criminal Court? Is it the threat of state supported terrorism? The combinations of all of these factors appear to be the working definition used today to determine rogue nations. If these criteria are strictly adhered to, a startling conclusion can be reached. The United States, with its disregard of International law, multiple violations of state sovereignty, violations of human rights within its borders and abroad, and a history of state sponsored terrorism is increasingly becoming a rogue nation itself. U.S. foreign policy is riddled with examples of U.S. exeptionalism, such as the rejection of almost every International Court ruling that has been brought against the U.S. This American exception to international responsibility is crystallized by the Connally reservation. This gives the U.S. the right to reject any decisions because the situation is under U.S. jurisdiction, which allows the United States to act in any way it sees fit. The United State’s adoption of at times a strictly unilateral policy towards international intervention has also helped to codify the United States as the new supreme superpower. Unfortunately the abuse of this ”untouchable” status for U.S. economic and political advancement, has given the United States the International Persona not of the “shining city on the hill” but instead the “shining empire on the hill”.

UNIITED STATES AND THE UNITED NATIONS

The United States has historically disregarded the United Nations in matters of national interest. This undermining of U.N. policy can be seen from it inception. The United States played a huge role in writing human rights into the U.N. charter in 1945, however they also “took the lead in insisting that this language be general” (Forsythe 204). Other nations pushed for more binding language that would in effect make violations punishable through court action. However, as David P. Forsythe mentions “the Truman administration, knowing that the United States was still a racially segregated society in the 1940’s, and fearful that particularly powerful senators from the U.S. south might scuttle consent for the U.N”, refused more precise language (Forsythe 204). This trend was seen again in 1948 with the creation of the Universal declaration of Human Rights, and Washington’s insistence that the declaration “was a non-binding General Assembly resolution “(Forsythe 204). Another example of U.S. undermining can be seen in the Indonesian invasion of East Timor in 1975. The U.N. called for an immediate withdrawal but its request went unheeded. The main reason is that United States, who backed the Suharto regime to strengthen U.S. control over the Indo-China economy, blocked the U.N. at every step. In fact according to the then American U.N. Ambassador Danial Patrick Moynihan: "The United States wished things to turn out as they did, and worked to bring this about. The Department of State desired that the United Nations prove utterly ineffectual in whatever measures it undertook. This task was given to me, and I carried it forward with no inconsiderable success. (Chomsky 2)" This is not only an isolated instance but is evidence of a formal policy of the United States. One just has to look at the number of U.N. Security Council Vetoes per nation, with an overwhelmingly large number of vetoes from the United States. As Noam Chomsky points out, “The more general principle is that if an international organization does not serve the interests that govern U.S. policy, there is little reason to allow it to survive”. (Chomsky 3) The U.S not only tends to undermine the U.N. through political support but in economic support as well. The United States still refuses to pay back dues in which it owes over $1.07 billion dollars (Singer 198). This amount does not include the amount of $582 million that congress allowed to be paid in back dues after September 11. The United States is also often at odds with the legislation of the United Nations. The United Nations conference on Environment and Development was held in 1992 to “call for green house gasses to be stabilized at safe levels” (Singer 21). When developing nations asked to include the “Over-Consumption of resources by developed countries”, George Bush Sr. objected by stating that, “the American lifestyle is not up for negotiation” (Singer 2). This was a precursor to the actions of George W. Bush in 1997 when he rejected the Kyoto Protocol, creating an uproar in the international community including the U.S.’ major ally, the United Kingdom.Human rights legislation is also another international arena that the United States often rejects. The International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of racial discrimination created in 1965 still to this day has not been ratified by the United States. One year later two more human rights covenants namely, The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and The International Covenant on economic, social, and cultural rights, were introduced. They became ratified in 1977 by “a sufficient number of national governments, but again, not by the United States” (Barash & Webel 445). Indeed if one looks at the state of civil rights in the United States in 1965, you can easily begin to see why they have not been ratified. The unofficial policy towards human rights can be seen in the comments made by the U.S. strategic planner George Kennan in 1948:“We have 50 percent of the world’s wealth but only 6.3 percent of its population. In this situation, our real job in the coming period is to maintain this position of disparity. To do this we have to dispense with all sentimentality, we should cease thinking about human rights, the raising of living standards and democratization”(Pilger101).American attitudes towards the international criminal court has fared no better.

THE INTERNATIONAL COURT

Historically the United States Government “formally agreed to refer all of its international disputes to the international court of justice” in 1946 (Barash & Webel 379). However, in true exceptionalist fashion, the U.S. Senate attached what is called the Connally reservation. The Connally reservation stipulates, “That the world court will not have authority over any disputes that are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of the United States of America as determined by the United States of America” (Barash & Webel 379). Plainly put it exempts the U.S. from the jurisdiction of the International Court. This reservation would prove to become indispensable in the pursuit of American foreign interest. The Effect of the Connally reservation can be seen in almost every case in which the International Court has ruled against the United States. Each one of these rulings are met by the United states either by silence or by the declaration of illegal jurisdiction. When the International court ruled in favor of Nicaragua in 1986 on the case concerning illegal military and paramilitary activities by the United States, the International Court received no reply from the United States. Realizing the futility of the decision and fearing more retribution from the United States, Nicaragua sent an agent to “inform the court that his government had decided to renounce all further right of action on the case and did not wish to go on with the proceedings.”(Nicaragua V. U.S.A 5). It is interesting to note that the U.S. did break the silence to “inform the court that the United States welcomed the Nicaraguan request for discontinuance of the proceedings” (Nicaragua V. U.S.A. 5). The United Nations response to the blatant disregard for international law, was to propose a Security Council resolution that called for ‘all states to observe international law” (Chomsky 4). However, with its veto power the United States quickly blocked this resolution from being passed. The Nicaraguan case is just one of many such as Paraguay vs. U.S.A, Iran vs. U.S.A, Germany vs. U.S.A, and many others, that again establish the United States claim to be above the reach of international law. The International Court has slowly been able to grow stronger despite U.S. interference. A governing statute was passed for a new international court in 1998. This gave the court the ability to bring to court accused citizens of any country for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. Predictably, the U.S. has refused to sign. However, the United States has also started a policy of strong-arm tactics in order to refuse aid to countries that support this new court. Human Rights Watch has published reports specifically condemning the United States for withholding “military assistance from 35 democratic countries because of their resistance to bilateral immunity agreements” (Flattau 1). According to Isaac Flattau of HRW, “These agreements are not only contrary to article 98(2) of the ICC treaty but also to international law” (Flattau 1).One question does arise when looking at the United States record on upholding International law. Why won’t the U.S. comply? The former Secretary of Defense William Cohen gave an interesting answer. According to Cohen, “the U.S. is committed to the unilateral use of power to defend vital interest, which include, ensuring uninhibited access to key markets, energy supplies, and strategic resources” (Chomsky 6).Cohen statements give quite an insight into the real reasons behind a lot of what the United States does internationally whether it is in the protection of human rights or international law.

U.S. VIOLATIONS OF STATE SOVERIGNTY AND STATE SPONSORED TERRORISM

The description of the United States foreign policy given by William Cohen can also be seen as an adequate critique of The United States policy of intervention. The United States government has sought repeatedly to displace or otherwise influence nations uncooperative to the American agenda with force. The interventions in Cuba, Nicaragua, and Indonesia are only a few examples. The United States has also committed various acts of terrorism in the name of U.S. security. One glaring example of the U.S. history of foreign intervention is the Suharto regime in Indonesia. Suharto’s predecessor, Achmed Sukarno was a populist who came to power after Indonesia won its Independence. Sukarno created what he called a “guided parliamentary democracy”, encouraged trade unions, women’s organizations, and peasant organizations. However, his mistake was to encourage his people to “challenge British and American influence in the region” (Pilger 31). The threat of loosing one of the richest sources of metal ores and other essential commodities was too great a threat to the United States and Great Britain. According to a CIA memo, “Prime Minister Harold Macmillan and president John Kennedy had agreed to liquidate President Sukarno, depending on the situation and available opportunities”(Pilger 30). With a combination of propaganda and General Suharto’s death squads, the coup was successful. The death toll was placed anywhere from 500,000 to 1 million deaths during the coup. Unfortunately, after the pro-American Suharto took power, the death tolls continued while Suharto compiled “one of the worst human rights records of the modern era”(Chomsky 3). The fact that the U.S finally changed allegiances after Suharto’s genocide in East Timor does not cover the fact that the United States made all of these deaths possible. There is no doubt that the Sovereignty of Sukarno’s government was violated. This pattern is familiar to a long series of situations including the regimes of Allende, Tujillo, Mubutu, Marcos, Hussein, Noriega, and many others. State sovereignty is of no real importance when compared to the omnipotent American agenda.The role of the United States as a terrorist state can be exemplified by a 1995 report by the United States Strategic Command (STRATCOM). The study of “Post Cold War Deterrence” was produced in response to the fall of the Soviet Union. It addressed the role that the United States should now take to ensure national security. Along with the usual call for nuclear deterrents, STRATCOM also made some startiling suggestions. Primarily STRATCOM suggested that the United States “appear to be out of control” (Chomsky 7). They go on to explain that the fact “that the U.S. may become irrational and vindictive if its vital interests are attacked should be a part of the national persona we project” (Chomsky 7). One may be lead to ask how would a state project itself as “irrational and vindictive”. The two modes of delivering this policy according to STRATCOM is of course the use of nuclear deterrence and what they called ‘creative deterrence”. STRATCOM suggested one particular example as a perfect model:"When Soviet citizens were kidnapped and killed in Lebanon, the Soviets delivered to the leader of the revolutionary activity a package containing a single testicle—that of his eldest son.” (Chomsky 7) This unconcealed approval of the use of tactics that at best would be called terrorism, would be right at home with any of the regimes that the U.S has labeled as the “Axis of evil”. In fact, some of the worst terrorist attacks pre September 11 involved the United States direct or indirect involvement. The murder of 80 Lebanese in a 1985 car bombing orchestrated by the CIA was the worst terrorist attack of the year, which is saying a lot given the year. There is also the U.S. “Destruction of half the pharmaceutical supplies of a poor African country (Sudan) in 1998”, the death toll of which was never determined due to the United States block of an U.N. inquiry(Chomsky 10).
The United States has always prided it self as being the self-proclaimed leader of the free world. Now with the War on Terror in full force, Americans have a new enemy to patriotically and sometimes unquestiongly fight. The only problem is that this new enemy has no real name or face. This allows less than sincere government officials to put whatever face they see fit to this invisible enemy and use it to further economic and political agendas under the guise of national security. Brigadier-General William Looney, the director of the bombing missions in Iraq, eloquently proves this point. When asked about the U.S. policy in Iraq he answered:"They know we own their country, we dictate the way they live and talk. And that’s what’s great about America right now. It is a good thing, especially when there’s a lot of oil out there we need. (Pilger 49)" The opportunity for the United States to become a rogue nation is greater now than it ever was. With no real check to military power and an international policy that fears no international organization or state, it is easy to see the United States as just as dangerous to the international community as any of the U.S appointed rogue states. Saddam Hussein ignored countless U.N. resolutions, so has the United States. Hussein violated human rights, and used chemical weapons against the Kurds, just as the United States has violated human rights of other countries such as Nicaragua and Cuba and used weapons of mass destruction on both Vietnam and Japan. Just as Saddam violated state sovereignty in an unprovoked invasion of Kuwait, so did the U.S in Panama in 1989. The question of what makes a rogue state becomes increasingly more difficult when you hold all nations including the United States up to the same standards. Perhaps the only criterion the United States does not have in common with other rogue nations is non-compliance with the United States. The hypocritical policies fueled by U.S. exceptionalism are not only a national character flaw but also an increasingly dangerous international position. The lack of international support in the invasion of Iraq is a perfect example of the alienation that is being felt by many international communities. The fact is with globalization and technological advances such as the internet, the distance across the Atlantic and Pacific that once buffered the U.S. from the rest of the world is growing smaller. International policy must be changed if only for the sake of national security. As more groups throughout the world continue to become disillusioned with the United States, membership in terrorist groups will continue to grow. The United States must work with International bodies such as the United Nations and the ICC not based on what America can economically gain from the relationship, but on the principles that our constitution was founded on. The United States must treat every humanitarian intervention not as an opportunity to further the interests of the U.S. but as an opportunity to further the interests of human rights. If this does not change, the United States “risks falling into a situation in which it is universally seen by everyone except its own self-satisfied citizens as the world’s rogue superpower’ (Singer 199). Some may say that this is not a problem because the United States is strong enough to take care of itself. However to see the error of this, one must remember the quote from Hugo Grotius:“There is no state so powerful that it may not sometime need the help of others outside of itself, either for purposes of trade, or even to ward of the forces of many foreign nations united against it”(Grotius 17) With the United States budget and military force being spread very thin by the war on terror, now more than ever Grotius is proven right.


------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Bibliography

Barash, David and Charles Webel. Peace and Conflict Studies. Thousand Oaks: Sage publications, 2002

Chomsky, Noam. Rogue States: The Rule of Force in World Affairs.Cambridge: South End Press, 2000

Flattau, Isaac. (2003) U.S. Punishes Latvia in Campaign Against theICC. Human Rights Watch . Http://www.hrw.org(2003, September 6)

Forsythe, David P. “Human Rights: From Low to High Politics in International Relations” The Global Agenda.Ed. Charles Kegly (2002)

Germany v. United States of America, International Court of JusticeNovember 13-17 2000

Grotius, Hugo. The Law of War and Peace. New York: Bobbs-MerrillCompany

Islamic Republic of Iran v. U.S.A. , International Court of Justice(1989)

Nicaragua v. U.S.A . International Court of JusticeJune 27 1986

Paraguay v. United States of America. International Court of JusticeApril 3 1998

Pilger, John. The New Rulers of the World. New York: Verso publications, 2002

Singer, Peter One World: The Ethics of Globalization. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002

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Posted: Mar 26, 2006 3:32pm
Mar 26, 2006
Name: Thich Nhat Hanh
Type: Tribute (for the living)
To Honor: Individual(s)
Location: , France
THICH NHAT HANH

When one is asked to name the influential leaders in peace movements, names such as Martin Luther King, Gandhi, The Dalai Lama, and Cesar Chavez are often mentioned. The name Thich Nhat Hanh however, is often left out. Perhaps this is due to the maelstrom of peace activists that came to the fore during the same time as Hanh. It is also possible that Hanh’s approach to peacemaking is one that is generally not understood or not appreciated by people on both sides of the Vietnam War. After all the picture of a Buddhist monk who is also an activist, goes against the western stereotype “of Buddhists as world-denying ascetics.”[1] Though Hanh is more widely known today, the understanding of what Thich Nhat Hanh proposes is still an enigma to many. This is what makes it so important for Hanh’s message to be explained, because Hanh’s system of engaged Buddhism can provide an important perspective to the philosophy of peace and non-violence.

HUMBLE BEGINNINGS

The Buddhist tradition views the individual as an effect of its surroundings. Therefore, in true Buddhist spirit, this topic will begin by looking into the events that shaped Thich Nhat Hanh. Hanh was born in 1926 in a small village in Vietnam. He was attracted to the religious life at about the age of nine. After receiving some western education, he took the monastic vow at Tu Hieu Pagoda outside of the city of Hue in central Vietnam.[2] As his training continued at the monastery, Hanh became restless. He was not disappointed with the training he received for contemplation, but he also felt the need for a curriculum of philosophy, literature, and foreign language. Hanh made these suggestions to the temple officials but was refused. Not willing to give in Hanh along with a few other monks moved to a temple outside of Saigon. At this temple, Thich Nhat Hanh was able to pursue the western education he had been missing. This built the foundation for what was later called Engaged Buddhism. During his time at the temple, he established new ideas on how Buddhism should be practiced. Hanh believed that western subjects would help “infuse life into the practice of Buddhism”.[3] This view was based in part, on the ideals of a reform movement started in the 1930’s in Vietnam. This New Buddhism was based on the idea that if Buddhism was to remain relevant through out time it must constantly reinvent itself. Though Hanh was not the first to propose these types of ideas, he soon became one of the main spokespersons for it in Vietnam.

At the age of 24, he wrote the book Buddhism Today, which laid out the ideas of his New Buddhism. Hanh explained that in order for the fusion of Buddhism and the modern world to take place, Buddhists must “enter into the experience that gave birth to the religion”.[4] For Buddhists this means experiencing the suffering of the modern world, in order to get to the roots of its problems. This meant that Buddhists must not just relegate themselves to introspection; they must go out into the world. This is important because much of what Hanh is talking about here is not only everyday individual suffering but also all human suffering at the social level, including war. This is no surprise considering Hanh’s early writings were written during the Indo-China War that led to the partitioning of Vietnam into two sections. Hanh in Creating True Peace, talked about two French soldiers that came to his temple during the war. Food was scarce and the French soldiers were demanding the last sack of rice the temple had. Hanh described the soldier that was sent to get the rice as about twenty who looked “thin and pale as if he had malaria.”[5] Hanh also had malaria at the time, and as he struggled to take the bag to the jeep, “anger and unhappiness arose”[6] in Hanh’s mind. Later Hanh would often meditate on that soldier. He thought about how this soldier was just a boy who had to leave his family and friends to face the horror of killing other human beings and possibly being killed himself. After thinking about this Hanh realized that, “the Vietnamese were not the only victims in the war; French soldiers were victims as well. With this insight I no longer had any anger toward the young soldier.”[7] The universality of suffering is an important idea to Hanh because this allows compassion to be created between two enemies. This is also important in Buddhism because our actions are perceived as reactions to our own suffering. If one is to remove negative actions, one must first remove the suffering behind it.

After the defeat of the French, Vietnam was partitioned. The North was held by the old communist government and the south was governed by Ngo Dinh Diem with support from the United States. The partitioning after the war provided a great opportunity for Buddhist leaders to become a unifying force in Vietnam. They supported neither the Communists nor Diem; therefore, they were in a unique position of political ambiguity. Hanh took advantage of this by printing numerous newspaper articles as well as editing the journal of the All Buddhist Association in 1956. Hanh sought to address the problems the younger generations had with Buddhism as well create unity among all Buddhists. However, Hanh began to also speak out against the Diem government for its oppression of the Buddhist community. The oppression continued to increase and with this, pressure increased on the Buddhist leadership to silence Thich Nhat Hanh. Soon the Journal Hanh edited was shutdown officially because of funding issues but later Hanh would say that it was because of his opposition to the government.[8] The continuing loss of support for Hanh in the Buddhist leadership caused him to question the effectiveness of his own practice. When speaking with friends he remarked, “we have lost our anchor, perhaps our practice is not strong enough. We need a hermitage where we can devote ourselves to practice.”[9] So in 1957 Hanh along with a few followers left the temple and moved into the mountains near Saigon. Here they started an experimental community called Phuong Boi (Fragrant Palm Leaves). Hanh was able to practice meditation here, as well as continue his writings. Hanh also traveled to various temples giving talks on Buddhism. On one of these trips, he met Sister Chan Khong who would prove to be one of Hanh's closest friends and ally during the Vietnam War. Though Hanh experienced some solace, his “radical writings” attracted the government once again. By 1961, government pressure on Phuong Boi had frightened off most of its inhabitants. At the same time, Hanh was offered a fellowship at Princeton University. Feeling that “there was nothing he could do at the time to help the situation in Vietnam”,[10] Hanh accepted Princeton’s offer. This began an introspective period in which Thich Nhat Hanh cultivated the ideas and courage he would need when the Vietnam War finally began.

INTROSPECTIVE PERIOD

Not much is known about Hanh during his days at Princeton. The major turning point however, can be seen when Hahn accepted a position at Columbia University. Hanh realized that the escalation of violence in Vietnam would soon lead to war. This paired with two disturbing dreams of scenes of death and destruction led Hanh to believe he must be ready. This began a period of deep introspection in which Hanh struggled with what he called the “false self” and “true self.”[11] False self in this understanding was the form of self that was imposed by society while the true self was the true nature of the individual. Hanh believed that if we loose too much of our true self to our false self, “we become a stranger to ourselves, molded entirely by society.”[12] The Battle between these versions of self, Hahn believed, was one that raged in every human being. At this point Hanh went into complete withdrawal from everything around him. “I became a battlefield,” Hanh later remarked, “I couldn’t know until the storm was over if I would survive, not in the sense of my physical life, but in the deeper sense of my core self.”[13] Hanh did survive and when he emerged from his solitude, he was reborn. Hanh was energized with what Buddhism calls Bodhicitta[14] which made Hanh feel that he “could endure even greater suffering than I had thought possible.”[15] Like the proverbial butterfly and cocoon, Hanh had sprung forth from his solitude ready to return to Vietnam.

MINDFULNESS TO ACTION

Thich Nhat Hanh’s transformation could not have come at a better time. Opposition to the Diem regime had reached a breaking point when Diem outlawed the display of the Buddhist flag on the anniversary of the historical Buddha’s birth. Public protest ensued leading to confrontations with police that ended with many protestors injured, tortured and killed by the government. Hahn lept into action organizing support in the U.S. for peace. Hanh traveled from Washington DC to Chicago talking about the Vietnamese situation as well as organizing a demonstration in front of the White House. Hanh also translated and reported the numerous human rights violations to the U.N. that lead to a U.N. investigation. His most notable act however was a five day fast for peace. Before his fast, he stated:

“The people of Vietnam have already suffered too much. This is the moment we need the entire human family to pray and to act. I implore all members of the human family, all who can feel the suffering of Vietnam, to join their prayers for the suffering to stop.”[16]

Hanh’s actions in the U.S. brought attention to the Vietnam situation however, more was needed. Hanh needed to return home.

HOMECOMING

Thich Nhat Hanh got his chance to return home in November of 1963 when a Coup d’etat overthrew the Diem government. Hanh received an appeal from Buddhist leaders in Vietnam to return and play a major part in the building of a new country. Hanh accepted and on his return submitted a three-point plan. The first point was a call for the cessation of all hostilities in Vietnam. Hanh’s second point was to establish an institute that would “teach the country’s leaders to act with a tolerant, open-minded spirit consistent with Buddhist practice.”[17] Finally, Hanh proposed the creation of a center for “training social workers who could help bring about social change based on Buddha’s teachings.”[18] After consideration however, the Unified Buddhist Church only accepted the second point. This did not deter Hanh and the next two years became what Robert King calls “the most productive of his life.”[19] Very reminiscent of Gandhi’s constructive program, Hanh began to setup experimental villages. In these villages, members would be responsible for developing their own local economy, healthcare, and education. In order to help teach new techniques to the villagers, Hanh created the School of Youth for Social Service. This school was meant to harness the energy and idealism of Vietnamese youth in the restructuring of the country. The experimental villages met with great success and soon Hanh had a wide array of supporters. When Hanh asked the council to create a nation wide program they agreed, however they did not offer any funding. Regardless of this over 1000 applicant applied. Additionally, many like teachers from Saigon University offered to work without pay. The purpose of this work was not to give money. Instead, the workers came to provide help in specific areas that each particular village needed. One example would be the problem of public schooling. Many children in the small villages were not allowed to go to public school because they did not have a birth certificate. Volunteer law students from Saigon University came down and along with the help of a judge registered the children for birth certificates. Another example involved creating small clinics in each village with the help of recently graduated medical students. This allowed the villagers to seek immediate medical attention instead of having to wait weeks or months. When Hanh was later exiled, this program became the vehicle for Hanh's actions during the Vietnam War.

The last of Hanh’s creations was the formulation of Tiep Hien or The order of Interbeing. The order was created “to help bring Buddhism directly into the arena of social concerns during a time when the war was escalating and the teachings of the Buddha were most sorely needed.”[20]This was a religious order but in following with Hanh’s belief in the engagement of all Buddhists, it was neither a clerical nor a lay order. Instead, all were welcomed provided they adhere to fourteen precepts Hanh created. These precepts were a shortened version of the many precepts monks and nuns must take, and represented the universal ethical teachings that any Buddhist should follow. IN addition, a member was expected to devote two months to engaged mindfulness within the community.

FROM HOPE TO VIOLENCE

The Climate in Vietnam made a turn for the worse in 1966. Buddhists were again protesting except this time for free elections. Many Buddhist leaders and monks where arrested and killed in this period and fighting increased between North and South Vietnam. In March, Hanh was invited to the U.S. for a speaking tour arranged by the Fellowship of Reconciliation. This gave Hanh a chance “to try to tell the American people what Vietnam is like, what war is like, and above all what the Vietnamese peasants, with whom he has worked very intimately, think about what is happening in their country.”[21] Hanh accepted this in the idea that he would only be gone for a few weeks. During his visit, Thich Nhat Hanh met with a number of influential American politicians. These included Senator William Fulbright, a critic of the war, and The Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara. Hanh had hoped to meet with President Johnson who had stated that he was eager to meet anyone with new ideas about Vietnam. However, this eagerness fell to the wayside on the day Hanh was to meat with him when Johnson decided to give a walking tour of the White house gardens instead of meet with Hanh.[22]

Hanh also met with a number of influential religious leaders including Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Father Thomas Merton, and Father Daniel Berrigan.[23] Later Hanh would comment that these religious leaders were “the Americans I found it easiest to communicate with.”[24] Hanh from his work during the Indo-China war through the present day has placed an importance on interfaith cooperation. Buddhism itself promotes religious tolerance and Hanh sees the insights that any religious tradition can offer as essential to peace. No matter in which way a religious tradition practices the basis of this practice is one involving universal love and compassion. When Hanh met Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., he later wrote, “I knew I was in the presence of a holy person. Not just his good work but his very being was a source of great inspiration.”[25] Hanh had a strong influence on King as well. Hanh’s letters to King played a large role in King publicly criticizing the war. Later King would nominate Thich Nhat Hanh for the Nobel Peace Prize. Hanh also forged a close relationship with Thomas Merton. Though they only met briefly, Merton and Hanh immediately became close friends. When talking about their first meeting Hanh remarked: “I told him a few things, and he understood the things I didn’t tell him.”[26] Merton, responded much in the same way to Hanh saying: “Thich Nhat Hanh is more my brother than many who are nearer to me in race and nationality, because he and I see things the same exact way.”[27] After their meeting, Merton wrote an impassioned plea for the safety of Hanh on his return home.

During this time Hanh also published Vietnam: Lotus in a Sea of Fire, in an attempt to give the world a Vietnamese view on the conflict in Vietnam. On June 1, however Thich Nhat Hanh held a press conference that would change his life. At this press conference, he presented a five-point peace proposal that called on the United States Government to do the following:

1) Issue a clear statement of its desires to help the Vietnams people establish a government genuinely responsive to Vietnamese aspirations

2) To end all bombing

3) To limit its actions to a purely defensive role

4) To convincingly demonstrate its intentions to remove its troops over a specified period of months.

5) To offer reconstruction aid free of ideological and political strings.[28]

After the press conference, the South Vietnamese government announced Thich Nhat Hanh a traitor. By taking neither side of the conflict, Hanh had made enemies on both. Hanh crystallizes this dilemma in an article in which he states, “If we openly call for peace, we are identified with the Communists and the government will try to suppress us. If we criticize the communists, we find ourselves aligned with those Vietnamese who have been propagandists for the Americans and whose word against the Communists are soiled and discredited.”[29] Hanh, due to this predicament, has not been able to return to Vietnam to this present day. Hanh continued his work in Vietnam however, it was through his School of Youth for Social Services. Many of these workers were killed but valiantly, under Hanh’s influence continued the efforts for peace within Vietnam.

During the war these volunteers help set up “self-help villages”[30] on the front lines. These were a continuation of the village program Hanh had started before the war. Each community was set up so that community and family duties were organized in a fashion that would promote both. There was land set aside for both family farming and communal farming. Villagers would take turns at either working their own plots or working in the communal fields. “In this way it was not necessary for every family to buy every piece of farm equipment.”[31] The community owned most of the equipment together so they all shared them. This allowed a deeper connection to be created between families. This made it much easier for the community to withstand the atrocities that many faced on a daily basis. Since very little funding was available or used, the villages learned to utilize what is around in a communal way. This made it possible for villages to quickly rebuild their homes sometimes three or four times in the face of constant bombing.

Abroad Thich Nhat Hanh became the ambassador for the peace movement. During formal peace talks between the U.S. and North Vietnam, the Overseas Vietnamese Buddhist Association, formed a delegation with Hanh as the chair. Through this delegation, Hanh was able to transmit information from Vietnam to the world as well as provide aid to Vietnamese orphans and refugees.

After the war, Hanh created a program to help refugees fleeing from Vietnam in barely sea worthy boats. These “boat people” were often refused entry into the countries they came to, and were sent back out to sea. This lead to the deaths of many of these refugees. Hanh’s plan was to meet these people at sea, take them to Guam or Australia, and challenge the refugee laws there. Hanh was able to raise over $200,000, and rescued more than 800 people from the high seas.[32] Upon word of this program, an outpouring of refugees occurred. Unfortunately, the overwhelming numbers of refugees caused Hanh to loose all the political support he had, including that of the U.N. Finally, Hanh had to abandon the project all together.

WORKING WITH WHAT YOU HAVE.

After the failure of Thich Nhat Hanh’s campaign for the “boat people”, Hanh withdrew to a small plot of land in France. At first, this site was a place for weekend retreat. However, by 1975, a small farmhouse was rebuilt on the land and Hanh with a group of eleven friends created Les Patates Douces. This community became a place in which members could meditate and live in a beautiful environment free of painful reminders of Vietnam. Hanh continued to write and publish and the community began to grow. This community became the framework for the creation of Plum Village in 1982 and Hanh’s “community of resistance”. Resistance in this context did not just mean resistance to war. Hanh considered it resistance to anything that is destructive or exploitative of the capacity for a person to realize himself or herself. Plum Village continued to grow as people came from all walks of life for retreat and training in mindfulness. Though Hanh was in a way returning to the contemplative life he remained socially engaged through everything from raising money for orphans in Vietnam providing resources for refugees and speaking out against war and violence in our present day.

PHILOSPHY OF PEACE

The foundation for Hanh’s views on peace and non-violence are by no means new. The concepts of mindfulness, compassion, and afflictive emotions, are some of the core principles of Buddhism. What is unique to Hanh’s process is the way in which he uses these principles to engage the modern world. Buddhism sees the true nature of human beings as one that is inherently good, but often hidden by afflictive emotion. Through our ignorance, these afflictive emotions can cloud our views and lead to violence and suffering. It is simply a matter of identifying the afflictive emotions and transforming them into compassion that allows us to realize out true nature. Hanh refers to these, as seeds of violence and seeds of compassion. As he states:

“Our mind is like a garden that contains all kinds of seeds: seeds of understanding, seeds of forgiveness, seeds of mindfulness, and also seeds of ignorance, fear, and hatred. We realize that, at any given moment, we can behave with either violence or compassion, depending on the strength of these seeds within us”[33]

Peace for Hanh is not simply a state in which we stop violence, but a constant process of creating the conditions in which the seeds of compassion can be nurtured. This begins through the process of mindfulness in which we realize the suffering we experience and apply that realization to all beings that in the end experience the same suffering. Through this lens, the victim and the victimizer are reduced to simply beings who are all suffering. Hanh furthers this idea in his poem “Please Call Me by My True Names”. The theme in this poem is that the things that can make someone act violently and do horrible things can make any one of us do the same. The criminal does not act violently because he is inherently evil. Instead, he acts in a way in which he has been conditioned to act in response to his own suffering. Therefore, any person could be that criminal if they were born into the conditions the criminal was born. Remove the root cause of this conditioning and you remove the capacity of the individual to react to his or her own suffering in violent ways. This involves active communication with the enemy in order to gain insights into the roots of the problem, not revenge or violent reprisals. Hanh likens this idea to a doctor. When a doctor has a patient who is in pain, the doctor firsts tries to identify the cause of the pain, and then removes it. As Hanh points out, “He does not try to kill his patient.”[34] When coming to terms with conflict and violence we must act like the doctor. We must look at the root causes of the conflict on both sides and try to remove them. By doing this we remove not only the symptoms but the disease that caused them.

In order to really communicate with your enemy you must employ what Hanh calls “deep listening”. Deep listening entails listening to the other with “all your mindfulness and concentration in order to give someone who is suffering the chance to speak out.”[35] It is imperative that no matter what they say you do not interrupt, or correct what the other says. The purpose of listening is to restore communication, and communication can not be reached by refusing to truly listen to the other side. Before this can happen however, we must remove the violence within our own minds. “You cannot practice gentle communication and compassion and listening if you don't have peace within yourself.” [36] Otherwise, our own fear, ignorance, and anger will prevent us from seeing the suffering in others. This is why for Hanh, peace begins with our own minds and flows like a mountain stream into the rivers of our communities and the ocean of our world.

Thich Nhat Hanh’s views on non-violence are simply the continuation and outward expression of his views on peace. Hanh defines non-violence as “love in action”. According to Hanh, “out of love and the willingness to act selflessly, strategies, tactics, and techniques for a nonviolent struggle arise naturally.”[37] Hanh continues, “nonviolent action born of the awareness of suffering and nurtured by love, is the most effective way to confront an adversary.”[38] Like Gandhi’s Satyagraha, Hanh’s nonviolence is not passive but a continuous action that is not marked by weakness but by strength and courage. In this aspect, nonviolence is simply the spreading of mindfulness to the world. A nonviolent activist must be able to cultivate mindfulness in the enemy in order to reveal the real causes to their suffering. This can be seen specifically in the actions taken by Hanh and his followers during the Vietnam War. Often to stop the procession of military vehicles, families would place their family alters in front of the tanks. Family alters are the most sacred objects within a Vietnamese household. By placing them in front of tanks, they hoped to activate the humanity of the soldier through a cultural symbol all Vietnamese share. This was also a symbolic action to portray the war as an act that was destroying the cultural fabric of Vietnam. Peace literature was also used in order to cultivate a common unity that transformed the view of “us” and “them” to “we”. At one point, “antiwar literature became the largest category of books sold in Vietnam, even infiltrating the army units.”[39] In the tradition of Gandhi, fasting was also undertaking. At times thousands of people fasted and at other times only one. One monk in particular, Thich Tri Quang, fasted for 100 days. Hanh explained that this was an important form of protest because every time people passed the clinic Quang was in they immediately were “jarred into awareness and compassion was born in them.”[40] The final method of protest was one that drew criticism. This was the act of self-immolation. Hanh explained that though it was not encouraged by the Buddhist leadership, it was an act that had a great power to generate compassion. Many Westerners, saw it as suicide, but in a religion that believes that life is eternal and the body is simply a short-term vessel, it is an act of determination, courage and sincerity. If a person can endure intolerable pain in the name of a certain belief then the sincerity of that belief is certain.

CRITICISM OF THICH NHAT HANH

Though Thich Nhat Hanh enjoyed a great deal of support for his actions, their were critics of Hanh both in the Buddhist and anti-war communities. One of the most common criticisms Hanh receives is the unwillingness to take part in the politics of the war. Many westerners accepted Thich Nhat Hanh in the anti-war movement. However, as the war continued Hanh lost support form these peace activists. They believed that Hanh did not take a big enough part in pushing for a particular post war government. Hanh however was not concerned with the type of government that would take power as long as it reflected the beliefs and traditions of the Vietnamese people. He saw Communism and Democracy both as an acceptable form of government as long as it reflected the common people of Vietnam. Hanh has also been criticized for his “lack of emphasis on traditional, intensive practice for lay supporters and his lack of concern with deep insight.”[41] However, Kenneth Kraft argues that this can also be an advantage. By not concentrating on deeper forms of contemplation, Hanh makes these principles available to a much larger community of people. This makes engaged Buddhism accusable to families, other cultures, and even other religions. Hanh’s final criticism comes from the view that after the war he slowly moved away from the activist role he played in the 1960’s. This is true to some extent however; recently Hanh has been given the opportunity to once again to return to Vietnam. The Vietnamese government, at the end of 2004, granted a visa to Hanh and 200 other monks and dignitaries. On January 11, 2005, Hanh returned to Vietnam in the hopes of checking on the status of the Buddhist community and attempt to "dispel the doubts and fears of the Vietnamese government about his church and teachings.”[42] Hanh also hopes to teach across Vietnam as well as set up meditation centers during his three-month stay. When referring to the task ahead Hanh commented, "Things are not simple. I must listen closely. I'll be surrounded by 200 people trained to listen closely,"[43] In any case, 38 years of exile has ended. Perhaps, Thich Nhat Hanh can now accomplish the goal he began 5o years ago: healing the physical and mental wounds of a people who have endured decades of war.

© Copyright 2005



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1] Robert King,. Thomas Merton and Thich Nhat Hanh: Engaged Spirituality In an Age of Globalization, pg 71

[2] King pg 72

[3] King pg 73

[4] King pg 74

[5]Thich Nhat Hanh. Creating True Peace pg 3

[6] Thich Nhat Hanh. Creating True Peace pg 3

[7] Thich Nhat Hanh. Creating True Peace pg 3

[8] King pg 74

[9] King pg 76

[10] King pg 77

[11] King pg 77

[12] King pf 77

[13]King pg 78

[14] Bodhicitta (Skt.)-lit. “mind of enlightenment”: mind of love: deepest, innermost request to realize oneself and work for the well-being of all

[15] King pg 79

[16] King pg 80

[17] King pg 81

[18] King pg 81

[19] King pg 81

[20] Robert Holmes, and Barry Gan. Nonviolence in Theory and Practice. “ Learning True Love” pg 241

[21] Thich Nhat Hanh. Lotus in a sea of fire pg 98

[22]Thich Nhat Hanh. Lotus in a sea of fire pg 98

[23]Thich Nhat Hanh. Living Buddha, Living Christ Pg 4

[24]Thich Nhat Hanh. Living Buddha, Living Christ pg 4

[25] Thich Nhat Hanh. Living Buddha, Living Christ pg 6

[26] King pg 10

[27]Thich Nhat Hanh. Living Buddha, Living Christ pg48.

[28] King pg 84

[29] King pg 85

[30] Thich Nhat Hanh. Creating True Peace pg 95

[31] Thich Nhat Hanh. Creating True Peace pg 96

[32] King pg 92

[33] Thich Nhat Hanh. Creating True Peace pg 1

[34] Thich Nhat Hanh. Creating True Peace pg 90

[35] Thich Nhat Hanh. Creating True Peace pg 92

[36]Schlumpf, Heidi. What would Buddha do? pg1

[37] Arnold Kotler, Engaged Buddhist Reader”Love in Action” pg 57

[38] Thich Nhat Hanh. Creating True Peace pg 57

[39]Engaged Buddhist reader “Love in Action” pg 58

[40] Engaged Buddhist reader “Love in Action” pg 58

[41]Jones, Ken. The New Social Face of Buddhism pg 194

[42]Agence France Presse pg 1

[43] Agence France Presse pg 1

























Bibliography







Agence France Presse - (Paris)“Buddhist monk heads home to Vietnam

after 38 years in exile” January 11, 2005



Holmes, Robert, and Barry Gan. Nonviolence in Theory and Practice,

Long Grove, Illinois: Waveland Press, 2oo5



Jones, Ken. The New Social Face of Buddhism, Boston:

Wisdom Publications, 2003



King, Robert. Thomas Merton and Thich Nhat Hanh: Engaged Spirituality

In an Age of Globalization, New York:

Continum Press, 2001



Kotler, Arnold. Engaged Buddhist Reader, Berkley,

California: Parralax Press, 1996



Nhat Hanh. Thich. Creating True Peace, New York:

Free Press, 2003



Nhat Hanh, Thich. Living Buddha, Living Christ,

New York: Riverhead books, 1995



Nhat Hanh, Thich. Vietnam: Lotus in a Sea of Fire

New York: Hill and Wang, 1967



Schlumpf, Heidi. What would Buddha do?.

U.S. Catholic 68 no12 18-22 D 2003

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Posted: Mar 26, 2006 1:44pm
Mar 26, 2006
Violence in the modern moral order


The question of violence in our modern moral order is a complicated one. We live in a society in which at the societal level, abhors violence in some cases but at the same time allows for and to some extent requires violence in others. This double standard can also be seen in the type of violence that our society hopes to confront. Physical violence, at least within the society, is considered unlawful yet when questions of structural violence are raised, a deaf ear is often turned to it. It is this type of mentality that has created a situation where violence in all its forms has become a kind of trade off. We have created structures and ideology meant to curb certain types of violence while simply ignoring the other types of violence they may incur. In the search for security from physical violence, we have ignored the fact that by doing so we have perpetuated the structural violence that often creates physical violence. A disconnection from those ideals that inform our modern moral order has occurred in which the ideal is replaced by an imperfect expression of it. This leads to a modern order that does not succeed in providing solace from a violent world. Charles Taylor has shown in the history that has led up to this modern moral order, that it was created out of a need to stop physical violence. At the time, this took the form of the wars of religion and the wars of feudal nobility. The people saw the doctrine of force that informed peoples and nations on how to interact, as a threat to the existence of all involved. This laid the groundwork for the emergence of courtesy, civility and a weakened form of hierarchy that could to some extent, be malleable enough to confine conflict to the level of diplomacy and debate, at least most of the time. These new ideas however, where mainly left within the sphere of nobility, leaving the plight of the common people, and the structural violence they experienced, untouched. Later, during the enlightenment, these issues would be addressed but in such a way that ignored the real problem. The hierarchy, which was seen as the cause of oppression and violence, was replaced by a society of ‘equals” who no longer sought to fulfill their purpose through normative service to their society, but through profitable exchange. This was believed to help restrain violence by elevating the need to sustain an individual’s level in society by force, because each persons worth to society was the same. In essence, the individual no longer needed to define themselves by their service to society or common good; therefore, they did not have to conform to the oppression of the existing structure of society. Society was then no longer the master of the individual; instead, society was the slave to the individual. This can be seen in the evolution of the social contract which is based on the idea that individuals only participate in society to the extent that it can benefit there own ends as an individual. This type of understanding however required that the social imaginary must be removed from the preexisting ideology. This involved removing the individual from nature. The hierarchical structure was validated by the belief that it was part of a natural order of things that involved not only humankind but all life. Therefore the first way to rebuke the hierarchies claim to rule would be by showing the individual to be outside the natural order or nature. The growing influence of technology and science was a perfect tool for this because they are both based on understanding the natural world and subduing it to the will of humankind. This can bee seen even today in “modern science and technology’s domination and objectification of nature as the “other””. Though this view worked very well in challenging the power of the hierarchy, it attacked something that in itself was not the problem. Nature is an important part of our human existence. We are symbiotically tied to natural order. Unfortunately, this order was perverted to protect a particular ideology, and when this ideology was perceived as dangerous, so was nature. Likewise, to make what Taylor calls the “disembedding" possible, the good that the hierarchy was perceived to provide must be discredited. The particular good that was targeted was the idea of virtue. The pre-modern order revolved around society providing the means for the individual to strive for a common good or truth. This truth or virtue was something that was not naturally bestowed on individuals but must instead be attained. The hierarchy set itself in the position as the ones who could inform the people how this was possible. How the hierarchy instigated this was the true problem, however, it again was not truly confronted. As with the case of nature, this idea of a common good was attacked instead of the hierarchy’s ability to provide it. This involved the lowering of what is to be striven for to that which all individuals already inherently have and understand, namely the need for survival. This again can be seen in our modern order by the common good being based on the procurement of the means for survival. The force that influenced violence and war in the past was based on competition for respect and power. This was ignored in the changes that occurred in the time of courtesy and later during the enlightenment. Instead, what was created was a system that kept the underlying structure and simply converted it to a less outwardly violent form. This form was found in the idea of economy. The idea of economy made it possible to suggest a model of society based on mutual exchange rather than a hierarchical order. Economic activity was seen as a productive, ordered, and peaceful activity, therefore, a society based on economic exchange would adhere to these same principles. The individual under this idea was seen as responsible for providing mutual benefit for the others in society. Later, in the eighteenth century these ideas would modify to provide for a whole framework of how human life was designed for mutual benefit. This came in the form of what Taylor calls “invisible hand” factors . These factors can be described as inherent modes of living that automatically provides for mutual benefit in a society that uses them. Adam Smith provides one of the most famous examples of these mechanisms, “whereby our search for our own individual prosperity redounds to the general welfare”. The major idea however is that the moral order is one of “good engineering design in which efficient causation plays the crucial role”. The role to be played then in the modern idea of mutual exchange became that of self-preservation. As long as you provided for your own existence, then this would provide the resources for all to provide for their own existence. The problem is that this idea removed the individual away from society even further. A member of society, in order to be a member of society, does not need to interact with other members at any level except to that which would secure their own ends. Furthermore, this mechanism of the “invisible hand” did not appear to work to the extent needed to provide for all of society. What has been painfully realized in our modern era is that what was considered the mode of self-preservation could not truly provide for complete security. There always seems to be more that can be done to secure ones survival because total escape from death is impossible. This then leads to a constant need for progress and consumption. The resources for this however are limited and in a society that calls for each to provide for themselves, this means there will be conflict. The original ideals of mutual exchange that this structure was formed on are forgotten and instead are replaced and an almost Hobbesian state of nature takes its place. The outward expression (self-preservation) of an ideal (mutual exchange) replaces the ideal, and leads to structural an overt violence not social harmony. The structure of the modern industrial society as a model of constant growth is a perfect example. This model is based on the “assumption that there are no limits to our planets resources, no limits to technological progress, no limits to space, to growth”. The truth is that resources are limited so what then occurs is the exploitation and oppression of others for their resources. This cannot only be applied to corporate entities but also to the sphere of the individual. Economic exchange also provided the standpoint in which the new ideology of freedom from nature and common good based on survival could be realized. However, because these new ideas villanized nature and the search for a virtuous life, they completely disregard the true problem. Connection to nature and a striving for a common good outside the individual are not the problem. They are in fact ideals that are paramount to human unity. The problem is the inefficiencies of a society as a human institution to provide for them. Therefore, a system that concentrates its efforts in the subjugation of theses ideals simply recreates the mistakes of the previous moral order under a different set of rules. This is exactly why the new moral order does not succeed in providing a more peaceful life. Instead, it incurs the same violence in which it sought to eradicate. It has proven to not reduce the physical violence of war, just relocate it to the sphere of the individual and the nations they create. Likewise, structural violence has not been reduced, just simply moved from the oppression of hierarchical rule to the oppression of the economic policies of those in power. The ideals of freedom, equality, and self-determination that lie in our social imaginaries have the capability of uplifting our society. However when these are based on western ideas of Industrial and economic modernization they simply further the goals of a new hierarchy of power. This is exemplified in the remarks of Maria Meis: “Freedom is the freedom of those who posses money. Equality is the equality of money. Self-determination is the freedom of choice in the supermarket. This freedom, equality, self-determination is always dependant on those who control the money/property”. The naturally ordained supremacy and virtuous system of living based on this supremacy of the pre-modern hierarchy has not been removed. The only thing that has changed is that where before those in power enacted the divine will of god or the laws of nature, now they use the will of the individual right to survive and the laws of capitalism to further their own agendas. This is not to say that the moral order is completely immoral. The ideals held within in it can be insightful and beneficial. It is simply our misappropriation of these ideologies that have led us to perpetuate violence in all its forms. Mutual exchange, freedom, and equality are good ideas, however, the constructions we use to fulfill them (industrial modernization) leave us unfulfilled and longing for that which we have destroyed. A peaceful society revolves around a fulfilling of the needs and requirements of human existence. However, the project of modernization can only resolve the need for survival. The search for self-understanding involves much more than simply sustaining life and therefore we become restless. We yearn for human relationships and for relationships with nature, but are left with a structure that is based on the destruction of those relationships. We want to give value to our lives but are left with a structure that reduces this worth to an abstract monetary value. We feel there is something more to life but are left in a society that cannot help us in this endeavor and seeks only to distract us from it. This search for happiness then becomes a search for distraction, which fuels the consumer appetite. This in turn fuels the economy, which then fuels the structures of power that perpetuate a doctrine of violence and manifest destiny towards the natural world, other societies, and on its own marginalized citizens. The modern industrial society is simply a misrepresentation of the modern moral order. Instead of a order based on peace and social harmony, it in many ways encourages and needs violence to survive. The amount of consumption this society needs to survive can only lead to the violence and oppression of those who have resources but lack the power to protect them. This ideology can be seen at the individual level as well, encouraging competition for resources and power that can only lead to the destruction of social harmony. Structural and overt violence towards those within society who cannot protect their own resources in order to provide a constant source of growth for those who can becomes the norm. Finally, the modern industrial society has perpetrated violence on the self-understanding of its members. The modernity project has relegated truth, wisdom, and goodness to the arena of values. This leaves the individual no real way to express the need for self-understanding except in the form of needless consumption. The modern industrial society therefore has not become less violent than its pre-modern counterparts. It in some ways could bee seen as more violent considering that with science and technology we have become more efficient in all arenas including the art of subjugation and war.

_______________________________________________________________
1 Maria Miens and V. Shiva. Ecofeminism. London: Zed Books, 1997 pg 144

2Charles Taylor. Modern Social Imaginaries. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2004 pg 70

3Charles Taylor. Modern Social Imaginaries. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2004 pg 70

4Charles Taylor. Modern Social Imaginaries. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2004 pg 70

5Maria Mies and V. Shiva. Ecofeminism. London: Zed Books, 1997 pg 58

6Maria Mies and V. Shiva. Ecofeminism. London: Zed Books, 1997 pg 58

7Maria Mies and V. Shiva. Ecofeminism. London: Zed Books, 1997 pg 66

8Maria Mies and V. Shiva. Ecofeminism. London: Zed Books, 1997 Pg 57-58 © 2005
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We are all humans. We all have needs. If our needs are not being met, we move into action in order to get those needs met. Maslov's Basic Hierarchy had five levels. The new extended levels are more numerous.  What level of needs are be...
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"Michael Moore is an Academy-Award winning filmmaker, author, actor and political commentator. He is the director and producer of three of the highest-grossing documentaries of all time, Fahrenheit 9/11, Sicko, and Bowling for Columbine. .. .
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Video above explains how Monsanto hides research that shows harm caused by GMO foods. In one case, a professor in Japan shows how cooking GMO soy does NOT destroy the harmful soy proteins that are normally deactivated by cooking.  ...
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Here is living proof that it is possible to live via the energy from the sun for pretty much everything. This retired engineer put together a solar powered system that powers his car, golf cart, chain saw, tractor and home. If he can do this, all the...
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Here is living proof that it is possible to live via the energy from the sun for pretty much everything. This retired engineer put together a solar powered system that powers his car, golf cart, chain saw, tractor and home. If he can do this, all the...
May
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"Michael Moore is an Academy-Award winning filmmaker, author, actor and political commentator. He is the director and producer of three of the highest-grossing documentaries of all time, Fahrenheit 9/11, Sicko, and Bowling for Columbine.  He ha...
(0 comments  |  discussions )
"Michael Moore is an Academy-Award winning filmmaker, author, actor and political commentator. He is the director and producer of three of the highest-grossing documentaries of all time, Fahrenheit 9/11, Sicko, and Bowling for Columbine. .. .
(0 comments  |  discussions )
"Michael Moore is an Academy-Award winning filmmaker, author, actor and political commentator. He is the director and producer of three of the highest-grossing documentaries of all time, Fahrenheit 9/11, Sicko, and Bowling for Columbine.  He h...
(0 comments  |  discussions )
"Michael Moore is an Academy-Award winning filmmaker, author, actor and political commentator. He is the director and producer of three of the highest-grossing documentaries of all time, Fahrenheit 9/11, Sicko, and Bowling for Columbine.  He ha...
(0 comments  |  0 discussions )
"Michael Moore is an Academy-Award winning filmmaker, author, actor and political commentator. He is the director and producer of three of the highest-grossing documentaries of all time, Fahrenheit 9/11, Sicko, and Bowling for Columbine. .. .

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