On September 8th, England is due to play Israel in a return UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier at the new Wembley Stadium. The PSC, with the support of the BIG and J-BIG campaigns and Friends of Al Aqsa, will hold a vigil by Wembley stadium on the 8th of September. For more information please visit the PSC website: www.palestinecampaign.org
In the meantime we would like to ask you to take the following actions:
• Sign and circulate the petition calling on UEFA, the FA and FIFA to suspend Israel from international football until it abides by international law. The petition can be signed here!
You can also download a hard copy from the PSC website
• Write letters to FIFA (contact@fifa.org), the FA (info@thefa.com) and UEFA (media@uefa.ch and info@euro2008.com) and to ‘Kick Racism out of Football’ (hermanouseley@aol.com) calling for the Israeli team, who represent a racist state to be suspended from international fixtures until it complies with international law. Please use the points below for you letters.
• Write to the national and local media, about this and explain why we are asking for the Israeli team to be suspended. Please consider intervening on radio and online forums to promote this campaign, as well as all sports media.
• Write to you local football clubs, fan clubs and club fanzines etc. to ask for support and to explain the issues below.
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- Here are some suggestions for letters:
"On September 8th, England is due to play Israel in a return UEFA Euro 2008 qualifier at the new Wembley Stadium. But there are good reasons why this match should not be happening.
Israel’s military occupation of Palestine prevents Palestinian footballers training and playing for international fixtures.
In September 2005, Palestine was in a good position in its Asian zone group in the qualifying rounds for the 2006 World Cup, but the Israeli authorities stopped five key players travelling and Palestine failed to qualify.
In April last year, Israeli missiles destroyed the only stadium in Gaza, where 1.2 million Palestinians live.
Israeli forces regularly KILL young kids kicking a ball around with friends.
Israeli and Palestinian human rights organisations recorded these killings in one refugee camp near the Egyptian border:
Khalil al-Mughrabi (11) hit in the head by a burst of gunfire in July 2001. Two friends aged 10 and 12 were wounded.
Jihad Hassan Barhoum (16) shot in the abdomen in October 2004. A seven-year old was hit in the back.
Ashraf Samir Ahmad Mussa and Khaled Fuad Shaker Ghanam (both 15) and 16-year-old Hassan Ahmad Khalil Abu Zeid, shot dead in April 2005.
Israel has been illegally occupying Gaza, the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights since 1967.
Palestinians and Israeli Jews who care about human rights have called for an international boycott of Israel until it pulls out all its troops and settlers and gives the land back to its true owners. Until this happens there will be endless conflict and no chance for Palestinians to enjoy the beautiful game in peace. Israel should not be in UEFA and the FA should not be hosting the September fixture.
Kick Israeli Apartheid Out of Football - Fair Play for the Palestinians
On the 4th of July, BBC reporter Alan Johnston was released by his kidnapers after nearly four months in captivity. Johnston met with the dismissed Prime Minister Ismael Haniyeh shortly after being released. The same kidnappers have also released 10 Hamas affiliates, kidnapped two days ago in Gaza. The so-called Army of Islam group kidnapped Johnston on March 12 in Gaza Strip. That was great news for the family of Alan, but despite the efforts of Hamas to release him, the US and the UK claimed that what happened won’t change their policies towards Hamas.
Let’s talk about Israeli terrorism:
5th July: Israel invaded Gaza killing 7 (5 resistance fighters and 2 civilians) Note-it
5th July: Israel starts to build illegal wall near Beit Jalla town in Bethlehem area stealing 6000 dunams (1500 acres) of the West Bank. Israeli bulldozers have also demolished land and uprooted olive trees that date back one thousand years, according to local farmers. http://www.imemc.org/article/49338
9th July: Troops kidnap two residents in Hebron (in the West Bank). Sources stated that soldiers broke into several homes in the Al Hawouz area, searched them, and kidnapped two Hebron residents identified as Mohammad Abu Aisha, 22, and Mowaffaq Abu Aisha, 24. The two residents were taken to an unknown destination. Note-it
9th July: Israeli army assassinates a senior fighter in Jenin (West Bank), despite the truce.
The Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR), based in Gaza, published its weekly report on the Israeli violations in the occupied Palestinian territories in the period between June 28 and July 4. During the reported period ten Palestinian were killed and 27 were injured. Note-it
6th July: Children were banned from entering al-Aqsa mosque as part of an activity in their trip. http://www.imemc.org/article/49348
6th July: Israeli attacks in the area of the al-Mughazi and al-Barij refugee camps in central Gaza yesterday killed 11 Palestinians and wounded more than 25. The wounded included children and a cameraman for Al-Aqsa television, a Hamas-affiliated satellite channel, who was shot numerous times by Israeli troops and later had to have both of his legs amputated. Note-it
6th July: According to a report published in the weekly supplement of Israeli daily Haaretz, Israel has admitted to the destruction of tens of Mosques in the destroyed villages of 1948 during the first years of Palestinian Nakba “catastrophe", a policy implemented by Israel to demolish Arab and Islamic history in Palestine. The orders were given directly by senior officials of the Israeli army and totally were supported by David Ben Gurion.
6th July, the village of Bil’in conducted its weekly demonstration against the illegal Israeli wall near the village. As is the case each week, the villagers were joined by Israeli and international peace activists. Note-it
Peaceful work:
In addition to the Bil’in demonstration that I’ve mentioned above, there were more demonstrations:
Approximately 100 Palestinian villagers from Wad el-Neiss, located to the south of Bethlehem in the southern part of the West Bank, side-by side with Israeli and international supporters, protested today against the illegal confiscation to land to for the construction of the illegal Israeli wall. Note-it
Despite the repeated threats and actual punishments against Arab Druze refuseniks in Israel, more Druze youngmen are rejecting military service in the Israel army and confirmed their belonging to their Arab nationality, and to the Palestinian people. Note-it
Major British workers' union joins moves to boycott Israel, Britain's Transport and General Workers' Union has called upon its 800,000 members to boycott Israeli-made products based on what they term Israel's criminal policies in Palestinian territories.
The Dutch foreign minister, Maxime Verhagen, recently warned a construction company from the Rotterdam area to terminate its involvement in work on the separation fence in the West Bank.
There were also news that the Arab League plans to meet on Thursday (tomorrow) in Israel for the first time ever, sources report.
There were also shameful news, Jordanian prisoners in Israel are going to be transferred to Jordan, to continue their life-time jail. The only accuses were that they killed two Israelis soldiers while Israeli soldiers kill children, women, civilians daily without even being questioned… I don’t know when are we going to be ruled by ourselves..
Currently, Israel illegally holds around 12,000 Palestinian prisoners in detention camps across Israel, the majority of which have been held for years without any charges laid against them.
And I’ll end this report with this good will from Turkey thatpledged $250,000 for Palestinian refugees of the Nahr el-Bared camp in north Lebanon, announced the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA.)
Ironically, Israel and US gave Fatah arms, then Israel “discover” them in raids and kills Fatah’s fighters!
This is how it works:
First: The Bush administration has spent most of its tens (if not hundreds) of million dollars in aid to Palestinians to train an elite corps of Fatah-loyal fighters and supplied them with arms (probably bought -defiantly not donated- from Israel). For some details, read:
Israel Defense Forces troops shot and killed an armed Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades operative in the Balata refugee camp near the West Bank city of Nablus early Friday during an operation involving searches for wanted militants, weapons and ammunition.
Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayad slammed the IDF operation.
“We view this aggression as a way to undermine our efforts to provide security and end the chaos,” he said Thursday at a conference in the West Bank city of Ramallah.
Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s spokeswoman, Miri Eisin, (recall the saccharine sweet, soft spoken pathos of her voice?) said the government is committed to working with Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas, but would not risk the safety of its own citizens.
“Israel will always fight terror,” she said. “We will go forward with full strength to strengthen Abbas, and full strength to stop the terror.
May Fatah (not Abbas; I gave up on him long time ago) learn from the lesson! It is “war business”, which Bush and Israel can’t live without…
The struggle between Israel and the Palestinians is not unique. Lorenco Veracini argues that the conflict is best understood in terms of colonialism. Like South Africa, the United States, Australia, Israel is also a settler society. The author who is a postdoctoral fellow at the Australian National University in Canberra, challenges two important myths: firstly, that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict defies comparative approaches; and secondly that the struggle for liberation is mainly based in nationality and religion and therefore different to typical colonial conflicts. On the contrary, Israel and Settler Society approaches this conflict by utilizing a colonial framework of interpretation and a number of comprehensive test cases.” The book documents and analyses the colonial endeavour of the Zionist enterprise which were already described in 1983 by Baruch Kimmerling in Zionism and Territory and by Gershon Shafir´s Land, Labor, and the Origins of the Israeli-Palesinian Conflict, which regarded Zionism as a form of “European overseas expansion in a frontier region”.
The author strongly emphasizes that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict should be seen in the light of Franz Fanon´s The Wretched ot the Earth. Fanon insistes that the true enemy of the colonized is the European settler. Israel and Palestine in the years of the second Intifada resonates dangerously with this logic, writes Veracini. Fanon´s capacity was “to encapsulate the intimate nature of the relationship between colonizer and colonized”. The disappearence of a postcolonial horizon, despite the internationally sanctioned dealings of Madrid, Oslo, Wye River Plantation, and Camp David-II consituted a crucial turning-point. When the possibility of disengaging from Israel´s colonial oppression became postponed into an indefinite future, a colonial phenomenology began increasingely to inform relationships, so the author.
Besides Introduction and Conclusion the book has three chapters: the Geography of Unitlateral Separation; the Troubles of Decolonization, and Founding Violence and Settler Societies.
Lorenzo Veracini compares former settler states like South Africa, Australia, and Algeria with the Zionist colonisation of Palestine. In chapter two he appraises increasing occurrence of references to apartheid in relation to Israel/Palestine and assesses a developing practice of exclusion through a comparision with South Africa´s policies during the apartheid era. In chapter three he proposes a comparative analysis of two conflicts in which a settler project supported by a colonial power reluctant to relinquish control over an area deemed strategically and ideologically essential was and is opposed to a nationalist movement struggeling for independence. This chapter analyses Israeli responses to the Al-Aqsa-Intifada by comparing them with the repressive strategies developed by the Forth French Republic to deal with the Algerian war of decolonization. In chapter four the author addresses the evolution of history writing and debates in two very different contexts: Israel and Australia. Two themes emerge as central: the final acknowledgement of the dispossession of the original inhabitants, and the defective legitimacy of the institutions of the state until a settlement with the occupied is reached.
1948 was a fateful year for the colonial histories of Israel/Palestine and South Africa. Both societies share a particular preoccupation about demography. As A. D. Smith has pointed out in his work Chosen people: Sacred Sources of National Identity that both Zionism and Afrikaner nationalism have insisted on indigenous absence, on a “land without a people”, or the emptiness of the South African frontier, arguing that the indigenous people had entered the geographic space identified by the colonized project only at some late historical stage. The author mentions also the differences between South Africa and Israel/Palestine regarding the attitude and influence of the international community. “It was ultimately US policy that largely determined the timing and outcome of the conflict in South Africa, just as it was US power that shaped the Oslo process, and supervised its demise.” Does Veracini really think that? Israel is not a banana republic. The influence between the US and Israel is vica versa.
The author is aware of the fact that a comparative approach should take the obvious differences between Algeria in the 1950s and the current situation in Israel/Palestine into account. In France in the 1950s there was a strong and organized opposition to colonialism, in contrast to the apathy that characterizes Israel´s peace movement and the political Zionist left. Veracini hints to more similarities like the war of decolonization in Algeria and the Cold War on the one hand, and the second Intifada and the post-9/11 global “war on terror” on the other. Some historical analogies between the French and the Zionsit colonial enterprise leads the reader astray. The French defeat at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 and the Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza-Strip cannot be compared. The first was a military desaster for France while the last one was decided unilaterally out of demographical considerations. Some other comparisions are also ahistoric and superficial.
Veracini argues that in Australia and Israel history and political perceptions are rewritten. Both governments are convinced that they are proposing “generous offers” to their Aboritinal and Palestinian counterparts. As a result, a resolution to the conflict tends to fade into an indefinite future. Until 1988 a systematic historiography on the origions of the State of Israel did not exist. Until 1977 the intellectual debate was hegemonized by the Mapai, the Zionist Social Democratic Party. The so-called New Historians from the left-wing Zionist and non-Zionist parties presented dissenting interpretations of the dominant Zionist narrative. They challenged the “founding myths” which surrounded the establishment of the State of Israel. This debate is still going on in Israel and Australia what the Aboritinal are concerned. Both states have finally failed to become a state of all its citicens. They have remained in many ways the state of a colonial project, so the author.
Progress in Israel/Palestine can only come about through a shift in US sensitivities which brought change in French Algeria and apartheid South Africa., writes Veracini. The Middle East may wait for the end of the global “war on terror” to see some positive developments. “´America´s last taboo` (Edward Said L. W.), the unquestioning and automatic US support for Israeli actions in the Occupied Territories, could then be seen as an outcome of a settler consciousness appeased by `frontier` images of a poineering enterprise (as well as by the influence exercised by the Zionist lobby in Washington).” Despite the “tremendously influential factor” the “Israel lobby” (Mearsheimer/Walt) has, the author regards the “settler-determined constituency and the availibility of a settler world-view” more important that can help explain US support for the Israeli policy in the Occupied Territories. Neither the current “unilateral Bantustanization” nor “the stabilization of a number of Bantustans will not bring the confrontation to an end”. Lorenzo Veracini opens a long forgotten persective to look at the longest regional conflict in International Relations. His view could help to understand the neocolonial dynamics in the Middle East and beyond. For the west a rather unconventional viewpoint.
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Climate change the second
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Deutsche und
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Etwas mehr als 8
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FAMILIES fighting plans
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Hundreds of parents and
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