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Israeli Forces Demolish Apartment Building, Displace 17 Palestinians in Jerusalem


World  (tags: Israeli attacks, occupation-displacement, ethnic cleansing of palestine-Jerusalem, world, zionism, racism, Palestinian land rights, occupied Palestine, stolen land, home evictions-demolishments, Jerusalem, News, media, middle-east, palestine )

Fly
- 383 days ago - imemc.org
The demolition was completely unexpected. The owner was paying off a 250 thousand-shekel fine in an attempt to save his building



   

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fly bird (26)
Friday May 4, 2018, 10:30 pm
VIDEO - Dozens of Israeli police directed by the Israeli municipality of Jerusalem invaded al-Eesawiyya village in East Jerusalem on Tuesday morning to demolish a three-story apartment building. The building housed 17 people and was owned by Jamal Elayyan.

Prior to the demolition, Israeli forces surrounded the building from all sides, took off doors, and ordered the residents to leave their homes. Families tried to quickly take as much of their furniture and belongings as they could carry, but Israeli officers did not allow them enough time to retrieve everything. An elderly woman fainted during the process.

The building was built five years ago. Four families lived on the two top floors in 200 square meter apartments. The first floor included a restaurant and a clothing shop.

Palestinians attempted to resist the militarized demolition. Israeli police responded by shooting tear gas, sound bombs and rubber bullets in crowded residential areas. Photographer for Al-Jazeera Wael Salyma was wounded, while other residents were beaten and arrested.

After the demolition, the Wadi Hilweh Information Center reports that locals planted a Palestinian flag in the rubble and started raising funds to help the many people who lost their homes.


According to Elayyan, the demolition was completely unexpected. Though Israeli authorities have claimed for three years that the building lacked Israeli construction permits, Elayyan was paying off a 250 thousand-shekel fine in monthly installments with the belief that doing so would lead to licensure.

Mohammed Abu Hommos, member of the al-Eesawiyya Follow-Up Committee, stresses that the Israeli municipality consistently ignores Palestinian requests to resolve construction licensing issues. Abu Hommos explains there are many other buildings in the village suffering from similar problems and the families who live in them experience stress from the constant threat of sudden homelessness. He adds that it is clear Israeli forces want Palestinians to leave al-Eesawiyya and Jerusalem, especially in light of the fact that while Israeli authorities have such difficulty approving residential buildings for Palestinians, settlement construction is booming.

Existing land use designations, East Jerusalem. Graphic by UN Human Settlements Program.

Indeed, the Israeli municipality zones only 8 – 13% of East Jerusalem for Palestinian residential construction. As a result, many East Jerusalem residents are forced to build without a construction permit to avoid overcrowding and secure basic needs. As many as 20,000 homes – or 39% of all homes in East Jerusalem – lack Israeli construction permits, according to the Association for Civil Rights in Israel.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports that as of April 23, 2018 there have been at least 55 house demolitions in East Jerusalem this year. OCHA also stresses that the monthly average of house demolitions for 2018 in East Jerusalem is so far higher than the same figures for both 2016 and 2017 – years during which OCHA recorded the highest rates of demolition in East Jerusalem since 2000.

Ahmad Jaradat is the Senior Project Coordinator for the Alternative Information Center (AIC).

The demolition was completely unexpected. The owner was paying off a 250 thousand-shekel fine in an attempt to save his building.

Dozens of Israeli police directed by the Israeli municipality of Jerusalem invaded al-Eesawiyya village in East Jerusalem on Tuesday morning to demolish a three-story apartment building. The building housed 17 people and was owned by Jamal Elayyan.

Prior to the demolition, Israeli forces surrounded the building from all sides, took off doors, and ordered the residents to leave their homes. Families tried to quickly take as much of their furniture and belongings as they could carry, but Israeli officers did not allow them enough time to retrieve everything. An elderly woman fainted during the process.

The building was built five years ago. Four families lived on the two top floors in 200 square meter apartments. The first floor included a restaurant and a clothing shop.

Palestinians attempted to resist the militarized demolition. Israeli police responded by shooting tear gas, sound bombs and rubber bullets in crowded residential areas. Photographer for Al-Jazeera Wael Salyma was wounded, while other residents were beaten and arrested.

After the demolition, the Wadi Hilweh Information Center reports that locals planted a Palestinian flag in the rubble and started raising funds to help the many people who lost their homes.

Palestinian children stand with a Palestinian flag on the rubble left after Israeli forces demolish a homes in al-Eesawiyya, May 1, 2018. Photo credit: Wadi Hilweh Information Center.

According to Elayyan, the demolition was completely unexpected. Though Israeli authorities have claimed for three years that the building lacked Israeli construction permits, Elayyan was paying off a 250 thousand-shekel fine in monthly installments with the belief that doing so would lead to licensure.

Mohammed Abu Hommos, member of the al-Eesawiyya Follow-Up Committee, stresses that the Israeli municipality consistently ignores Palestinian requests to resolve construction licensing issues. Abu Hommos explains there are many other buildings in the village suffering from similar problems and the families who live in them experience stress from the constant threat of sudden homelessness. He adds that it is clear Israeli forces want Palestinians to leave al-Eesawiyya and Jerusalem, especially in light of the fact that while Israeli authorities have such difficulty approving residential buildings for Palestinians, settlement construction is booming.

Existing land use designations, East Jerusalem. Graphic by UN Human Settlements Program.

Indeed, the Israeli municipality zones only 8 – 13% of East Jerusalem for Palestinian residential construction. As a result, many East Jerusalem residents are forced to build without a construction permit to avoid overcrowding and secure basic needs. As many as 20,000 homes – or 39% of all homes in East Jerusalem – lack Israeli construction permits, according to the Association for Civil Rights in Israel.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports that as of April 23, 2018 there have been at least 55 house demolitions in East Jerusalem this year. OCHA also stresses that the monthly average of house demolitions for 2018 in East Jerusalem is so far higher than the same figures for both 2016 and 2017 – years during which OCHA recorded the highest rates of demolition in East Jerusalem since 2000.

Ahmad Jaradat is the Senior Project Coordinator for the Alternative Information Center (AIC).

http://imemc.org/article/israeli-forces-demolish-apartment-building-displace-17-palestinians-in-jerusalem/
 

John W (5)
Saturday May 5, 2018, 2:24 am
Noted.
 

Colleen L (3)
Saturday May 5, 2018, 2:49 pm
Bas*arda. Wish they'd be rained upon with PEACE water. Thanks Fly
 

fly bird (26)
Saturday May 5, 2018, 6:05 pm
Military Aid to Israel.

taxpayers will give Israel a total of $38 billion of weapons over ten years ($3.8 billion each year from 2019 to 2028), according to a 2016 agreement between the two countries. Israel uses these weapons, in violation of US laws, to commit human rights abuses against Palestinians living under its brutal, more than half-century-long military occupation of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip. These include injuring and killing civilians, detaining and abusing children, demolishing homes, uprooting agriculture, and denying freedom of movement and expression.

How much of this annual $3.8 billion allocation do people in your state, Congressional district, county, and city provide and what could be funded instead with this money to benefit your community? Find out below on our interactive map. Click on a state to get started.

This year’s total US allocation of weapons to Israel could fund instead one of the following:

46,778 elementary school teachers

2,514,282 people receiving food assistance

650,643 students receiving Pell Grants

1,595,938 children receiving healthcare

51,077 clean energy jobs

The average individual taxpayer gives $25.25 in weapons to Israel each year. “Offset” your share by giving $25.25 today to help us continue our work educating, organizing, and mobilizing to end US funding of Israel’s oppression of the Palestinian people.

https://uscpr.org/campaign/government-affairs/resources/military-aid-to-israel/
 

fly bird (26)
Saturday May 5, 2018, 6:39 pm
No More U.S. Weapons to Israel.

Sign this petition to the U.S. government:

End the provision of free weapons to the government of Israel.

https://act.rootsaction.org/p/dia/action4/common/public/?action_KEY=13358
 

fly bird (26)
Sunday May 6, 2018, 7:58 am
Renaming the 1948 War: Partition, Dispossession and Fragmentation.
March 29, 2018

A local artist from the village of Taffouh depicts the struggles and dreams of the Palestinian people in a mural at the entrance to the local school, Taffouh High School, February 2018. Photo credit: Christian Peacemaker Teams.

POSTED BY: RICHARD FALK MARCH 27, 2018

http://aicnews.org/index.php/author/richardfalk/

Controlling the discourse

Israel has been brilliant over the years in shaping and misdirecting the public discourse on the future of Palestine. Among its earliest achievement along these lines was the crucial propaganda victory by having the 1948 War known internationally as the “War of Independence.” Such a designation erases the Palestinians from political consciousness, and distorts the deeper human and political consequences of the war. Language matters, especially in vital circumstances where there are winners and losers, a reality that applies above all to a war of displacement.

It took decades for the Palestinians to elevate their experience of the 1948 war to even the consciousness of those on an international level who supported the Palestinian national struggle for self-determination. Even now more than 50 years after the war, the “Nakba” by which the 1948 war is known to Palestinians remains internationally obscure. The word signifies “catastrophe,” which is associated principally with the dispossession of at least 700,000 non-Jewish residents of Palestine, what became the state of Israel after 1948, and subsequently, with the denial by Israel of any right of return for those Palestinians who abandoned their homes and villages out of fear or as a result of Israeli coercion. This double process of dispossession and erasure was reinforced powerfully by the bulldozing and utter destruction of 400-600 Palestinian villages in the new state of Israel.

Even those who have this revisionist awareness rarely convey a sense of the Nakba as a process, not just a calamitous event. For those Palestinians dispossessed of home, property, community, employment, and dignity, their life, that of their families, and that of subsequent generations has been generally “a living hell” as a consequence of either enduring the misery and humiliation of long-term residence in refugee camps or experiencing the various vulnerabilities and rootlessness of involuntary and permanent exile. In other words, the tragedy of the Nakba began and did not end with the traumas of dispossession, but rather continued in the ordeals that followed, which must be considered as inseparable from the originating catastrophe.

The UN Partition Resolution

For many reflective Palestinians, the decades since 1948 have intensified the ordeal that followed from the struggle for control of territory and elemental rights that followed from the UN General Assembly Resolution 181 adopted by a vote of 33-13 (with ten abstentions, one absent) on November 29, 1947. The Israeli mastery of the public international discourse was expressed by dramatizing the Zionist acceptance (as represented by the Jewish Agency for Palestine) of the proposed partition of historic Palestine while the Palestinians, their Arab neighbors, as well as India and Pakistan, rejected it declaring above all that partition without the consent of the inhabitants of Palestine was a flagrant violation of the UN Charter promise of the right of self-determination, entailing peoples choosing their own political destiny.

This clash of attitudes was then interpreted in the West as demonstrating the reasonableness of the Zionist approach to the complexities associated with two contradictory claims of right regarding self-determination and territorial sovereignty. The Zionist/Israeli spin claimed a readiness to resolve the conflict by way of political compromise while contrasting and denigrating the Palestinian approach to the future of the country as exclusivist and rejectionist, even as genocidal, implying an alleged Arab resolve to throw Jews into the sea, a contention that naturally agitated an extremely sensitive post-Holocaust Western liberal political consciousness. A more objective rendering of the opposed viewpoints of the two sides supports a set of conclusions almost totally the opposite of what has been sold to the world by an Israeli narrative of the UN partition initiative and its aftermath that despite these contrary considerations remains dominant.

After an understandable initial Palestinian reflex to repel Jewish intruders intent on occupying and dividing their homeland of centuries, it has been the Palestinians, not the Israelis, who have been proposing a comprehensive compromise and it is the Israelis who, by and large, subscribe to the view that the Jewish “promised land” incorporates the West Bank and the unified city of Jerusalem, and any dilution of these goals would be a fundamental betrayal of the Zionist project to restore fully a mythic “biblical Israel” in the form of a sovereign state. The more ideological Israelis, including Menachem Begin (commander of the Zvai Leumi Irgun, 6th prime minister of Israel, 1977-83) were outspoken critics of partition in 1947, anticipating correctly that it would produce violence, and believing that Israel would only achieve its security and complete the Zionist Project by engaging in military operations with the object of territorial expansion. David Ben-Gurion, the master Zionist tactician and the first and foremost Israeli leader, shared Begin’s skepticism about partition, but favored it for pragmatic reasons as a step toward the fulfillment of the Zionist Project, but not the end of it. Partition was provisional, to be followed by seeking to complete the Zionist agenda, which is precisely what unfolded ever since 1947.

Partition was a familiar British colonial tactic that complemented their “divide and rule” strategy of occupation. It was proposed for Palestine as early as 1937 in the report of the Peel Commission, but in view of the desire for Arab cooperation in World War II, the UK uncharacteristically backed away from their advocacy of partition for Palestine. In a later white paper, the British declared partition to be “impractical” as applied to Palestine, and somewhat surprisingly abstained from the vote on Resolution 181.

Prolonging the Palestinian ordeal

At least since 1988, the PLO decided to accept Israel as a legitimate state and offer normalization of relations if Israel followed the prescriptive provisions of UN Security Council Resolution 242, that is, withdrawing to the 1967 green line borders and agreeing on arrangements for an effective resolution of the refugee issue. The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 added regional inducements to the PLO offer of political compromise, and this too was met by Israeli silence and a lackluster response in the West. The Oslo diplomacy was a one-sided failure. It never produced proposals on the disputed issues in ways that contained any reasonable prospect of bringing the conflict to a sustainable end, while it allowed Israel valuable time to keep expanding their network of unlawful settlements, a form of creeping annexation that served, as well, to make the two-state mantra more and more of a cruel chimera, useful to pacify international public opinion that sought a sustainable peace for both peoples and an end to the conflict.

More objectively considered, these dual reactions to the partition solution can be deconstructed. The Zionist movement at every stage took what it could get, and then went about creating conditions on the ground and diplomatically for getting more, by expanding their political demands and expectations, or as sometimes observed, “shifting the goalposts.” Reliance on such “salami tactics” can be traced back at least as far as the Balfour Declaration when Zionists accepted the terminology of “national home” despite their aspirations from the outset to establish a Jewish state that disregarded Palestinian moral, legal, and political rights. Recent archival research has made it increasingly clear that the real Zionist goal all along was the imagined Israel of biblical tradition, “the promised land” that deemed to encompass all of the city of Jerusalem, as well as the area known internationally as “the West Bank” and in Israel as “Judea and Samaria.”

And with respect to the Palestinian response, initially ardently supported by the entire Arab world, as well as most countries with majority Muslim populations, rejection of the UN approach was based on the extent to which partition bisected Palestine without any process of consent by, or even consultation with, the majority resident population. It was an arrogant effort by the UN, then under Western control, to dictate a solution that was not sensitive to Palestinian concerns or in keeping with the spirit or letter of its own Charter. To treat Palestinian rejection of Resolution 181 as indicative of anti-Semitism or even rejectionism is to accept an explanation of the disastrous legacy of partition that conforms to the Israeli narrative, which misses the real dynamic at work that has kept the conflict alive all these decades. To this day Israel continues to create conditions that diminish Palestinian prospects while subtly depicting the Zionist Project as in reasonable pursuit of previously undisclosed ambitions with greater clarity.

This leads to the central question that also includes reasons why the Israelis did also not want partition, but felt correctly that its provisional and temporary acceptance was a way of gaining more political space both for maneuvering and for showing the world its reasonable face that included a commitment to peace. In contract, the Palestinians felt shut out and humiliated by the way the future of their society was treated by the UN and the West, and yet didn’t want to alienate the international community, especially Washington. This kind of attitude meant lending credence to the 1993 Oslo Framework of Principles, and acting as if the “peace process” had something to do with “peace.” This accommodationist mode of diplomacy practiced by the Palestinian Authority over the course of the last 25 years while Israel annexed and Judaized East Jerusalem and penetrated more deeply into the West Bank created the impression in many circles, including Palestinian and others, that the Palestinian Authority was not nearly rejectionist enough, and either naively playing a losing hand or completely failing to understand the real Zionist game plan.

The Partition War

To circle back to the contention that language is itself a site of struggle, it has become desirable, even now, more than 70 years later, to call the 1948 War by a name that reveals more clearly its essential and flawed character, and this name is The Partition War. Only by such a linguistic move can we begin to understand the extent to which the international community, as embodied in the UN, was guilty of original sin with respect to the Palestinian people, and their natural rights, as well as their legal entitlements and reasonable political expectations. Endorsing the partition of Palestine was what I would describe as a geopolitical crime.

Richard Anderson Falk is an American professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University. In 2008, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) appointed Falk to a six-year term as a United Nations Special Rapporteur on “the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967. This article originally appeared in his blog, Global Justice in the 21st Century.

03/27/18 Journalists Denounce Detention of Colleague, Demand End to Violations.

http://imemc.org/article/renaming-the-1948-war-partition-dispossession-and-fragmentation/
 

fly bird (26)
Sunday May 6, 2018, 8:13 am
Documenting the Nakba: an interview with poet Dareen Tatour.
May 1, 2018

I visited poet Dareen Tatour, under house arrest at her home in the Arab town of Reineh on April 17, known here as “Palestinian Prisoners Day.” Two and a half years ago Dareen was arrested for publishing a poem, and since then she underwent a trial and is now awaiting the verdict expected on May 3 — all, of course, while still under house arrest.

Meanwhile, over the past few days Palestinians have protested 70 years of the ongoing Nakba. Palestinians inside the Green Line, those that remained on or near their land inside of historic Palestine after the 1948 ethnic cleansing, now hold every year a “March of Return.” It is their main annual gathering to express their national identity and their aspirations for freedom and equality, and is held on the same day that Israel declared its independence.

This year was also witness to a new initiative for mass non-violent resistance in the besieged Gaza Strip under the title of “The Great March of Return.” Every Friday from Land Day (on March 30), tens of thousands of Palestinians march toward the prison-walls that Israel built all around them, fortifications that close on almost two million people, most of them refugees, in a very small patch of land, highly restricting all viable economic activities, supply of basic needs, medical treatment and the freedom of movement. When protesters approach the fence, Israeli army snipers shoot at them in cold blood. Since the start of the demonstrations Israeli forces have killed 45 and injured more than 6,000. Through these marches, the notion of the Palestinian Right of Return regained its initial place at the hallmark of the Palestinian struggle for liberation.

To see how Dareen’s story fits within the context of these events, I decided to interview her about her personal experiences with the Nakba and the struggle for al-‘Awda – Arabic for “the return.”


Ruins of Palestinian homes in Safsaf. (Photo: Nayef Naser Ahmad Zaghmout/Palestine Remembered)

Dareen’s grandmother and the Nakba in Safsaf

“Are you a refugee yourself?” I asked Dareen. “No”, she responded, “the Tatour family lived in Reineh long before the Zionists came to Palestine.”

“So how did you become aware to the ethnic cleansing of 1948?” I continued.

“Well, it all started with my grandmother,” she said, “She told me how they were expelled from Safsaf.”

Safsaf was a Palestinian village northwest of Safed, near the Lebanese border. On October 29, 1948, it was occupied by the Israeli army. After the villagers surrendered, the soldiers committed a massacre, shooting more than fifty men in the village, who were tied up, and dumping their bodies into a well. Three women were raped, including a 14-year old girl. The story of the massacre in Safsaf is recognized not only by Palestinian historians but also by Israeli sources. The Israeli army held an internal investigation but its results are still sealed by the state.

At that time Dareen’s grandmother was 16 years old and was already married to a man from Al-Jesh, a nearby village. The day Israeli forces occupied Safsaf she was in the village and witnessed the horrors of the massacre. She told Dareen how, before the mass shooting, the soldiers instructed people to gather in the middle of the village. She saw how they found two young women and a young men hiding in a cave. They shoot the three of them dead before her terrified eyes.

Most of the people of Safsaf, including Dareen’s grandmother’s brothers and sisters, ended up as refugees in Lebanon and Syria, thrown into an ordeal of statelessness and suffering in which, after 70 years, there is still no end in sight. Dareen’s grandmother joined her husband in Al-Jesh and stayed there, where Tatour’s mother was later born. Many people from Al-Jesh, after hearing about the massacre in Safsaf, also fled. So other relatives from Dareen’s grandfather’s family also became refugees. Some of them, as a result of Israeli and/or Arab massacres against the inhabitants of the Palestinian refugee camps, later found refuge in Europe, but most of them are still in Syria and Lebanon.

Dareen never met her grandfather. He died when her mother was still a girl. But she is proud of what she heard about him from her grandmother. He was a revolutionary and took part in the organization of the 1936 Arab General Strike in Palestine against the British occupation and against Zionist colonization. Later he took part in the 1936-1939 Arab Revolt, which was brutally repressed by the British army.

Dareen said she felt very close to her grandmother who told her about life in the lost paradise in Safsaf, the Nakba and the fate of the refugees. From this, came an urge to write down the stories, to photograph whatever was left of the people, memories and houses, and to devote her life to the Palestinian struggle of restoring lost rights.

Dareen Tatour and her grandmother. (Photo courtesy of Dareen Tatour)

Photography, oral history and activism

Just as she finished high school, Dareen started documenting Palestinian life before the Nakba by interviewing the generation that lived through it. She filmed videos and wrote stories; she started by interviewing her own grandmother, but soon widened the effort and started looking for people displaced from any the more than 500 villages and towns that were destroyed by Israel in 1948. Dareen accompanied them to their destroyed villages, or at times went there alone to take pictures.

Dareen published some of her documentary footage on the website Palestine Remembered, a database of destroyed Palestinian villages, as well as her Youtube channel, Facebook pages and blog. Eventually she established a website to warehouse her material, “ynbu3.com” (yanbu’a in Arabic means “water spring”). While under house arrest, the court prohibited Dareen from accessing the internet. Not able to keep up her ynbu3 registration, the is no longer accessible. Dareen said she fears that the precious materials she stored on the website may have been lost forever. Similarly, much of her documentary footage was saved a computer that police confiscated in the course of her arrest and trial.

When ynbu3 was up and running, Dareen used the site to give new dimensions to the Palestinian struggle by building connections between the internally displaced and refugees beyond the borders. Each side gave what the other could not. The people that stayed in Palestine could visit the sites of destroyed villages and send pictures. Refugees contacted the site to request that local activists find what remained of their houses or photo for them locations that hosted endeared memories. People in the refugee camps conveyed a treasure trove of precious memories and Dareen interviewed them by Skype and wrote their stories. She also helped to coordinate visits of refugees that now hold European passports to their destroyed villages. She produced three films about such “return visits” to the villages of Al-Damun, Al-Birweh and Tirat Haifa.

In 1995, a few years before Dareen began her documentation effort, representatives from groups of displaced Palestinians from different towns and villages united to form The National Committee for the Defense of the Rights of the Internally Displaced in Israel. In 1998, on the 50th anniversary of the Nakba, they started the tradition of “The Annual March of Return.” In the year 2000 the national committee established itself as an officially registered association.

When activist with the internally displaced association discovered Dareen’s documentaries on Palestine Remembered, they invited her to take part in a guides’ course. Dareen then joined the association and found another platform for her effort to preserve Palestinian memories. She brought together refugees from the Nakba and visitors to the destroyed villages so that they refugees could share their memories. Dareen filmed the encounters.

As the annual March of Return events evolved to draw tens of thousands participants, they now also include tents with special exhibitions. In the last marches before her arrest Tatour maintained her own tent, with an exhibition of more than 500 photos from the destroyed villages and towns, under the title “tell me about my village”.This was not a one time event–but an annual exhibition during the March of Return that ran for several years.


Dareen visiting a destroyed Palestinian village. (Photo: courtesy of Dareen Tatour)

Wounded in Saffuriyya

Once while looking at Dareen’s Facebook page, which she is not allowed to do but everybody else can, I found an image of her lying in a hospital bed, visited by Knesset Member Jamal Zakhalka. She told me how she was wounded during the 2008 March of Return.

It was the 60th anniversary of the Nakba. That year there was a surge of right-extremists’ and settlers’ incitement against the March of Return, which was held on the lands of the destroyed town of Saffuriyya, northwest of Nazareth. There was a big Palestinian presence that day, with many families who brought kids of all ages to take part in an educational event. At the end of the day, as the marchers were leaving the gathering spot heading towards the parking, the police allowed a group of settlers to come close and throw stones at them. As some Palestinian youth tried to confront the settlers, a large police force, including special forces “anti-riot” units, some of them mounted on mighty horses, fired tear gas and stun grenades into the whole of the Palestinian public and struck some with batons. The police’s munitions caused a wild fire in dry fields, which put the participants in extra danger.

There was havoc. Most people didn’t expect such violence and were confused. They tried run away, in all directions. Children cried and many were separated from their relatives or friends. Dareen, armed with her professional camera, tried to stay calm and document the events. She still remembers the scene of policemen beating whoever they could catch, sometimes stomping their boots on victims. She also vividly described how people were wounded when the mounted police rode their horses into the crowd.

Suddenly Dareen saw three children without a parent nearby who were stuck between two lines of the police, not knowing where to hide. She stopped filming and went to help them. She guided the children out of danger, but was caught herself between the police lines and became a direct target for their fury. Officially gas canisters and shock grenades should be shot in the air, but she remembers how the policemen were shooting them directly at her from close range.

She especially remembers one direct hit at her leg, and another shock grenade that hit her chest. She felt the burning heat of the iron and the force of the blow left her unable to breath. She fell on the ground. She remembers hearing herself call for help before she fainted. She was evacuated by an ambulance to Nazareth and was hospitalized for one day

Exactly 10 years later, on Friday, April 20, 2018 some 20,000 Palestinians attended the 21st March of Return on the site of the destroyed village of Atlit, just south of Haifa. It was the third march in a row that Tatour missed due to her house arrest. Some Israeli politicians and racist social media activists demanded the march be abolished. They threatened havoc if it would have taken place. Yet, they didn’t show up and the march went on. I just hope that the next year Dareen will be marching with us again.

http://mondoweiss.net/2018/05/documenting-interview-dareen/
 

fly bird (26)
Sunday May 6, 2018, 4:21 pm
Ex-Israel chief military prosecutor lives in home built on privately-owned Palestinian land.

PNN/Hebron/

A former chief Israeli military prosecutor lives in a house in the West Bank settlement of Efrat “which was illegally constructed on private Palestinian land”, it has been revealed.

According to anti-occupation NGO Kerem Navot, Lieutenant Colonel Morris Hirsch served as the chief military prosecutor in the West Bank until about a year and a half ago, “and was responsible for legal proceedings against thousands of Palestinians each year”.

In addition, “since his release, he has been employed as a ‘military consultant’ by the right-wing organisation NGO Monitor”.

Kerem Navot has now revealed that Hirsch not only lives in a West Bank settlement, but his house is located on privately-owned Palestinian land.

An Israeli company says it bought the land “from some Arabs”, but have no evidence to prove the claim. This did not prevent Israeli authorities “from allowing the company to advance a master plan on site and to authorise the two illegally constructed housing units, in one of which Hirsch resides”.

Kerem Navot said it is “ironic” that an individual “who was responsible for the rotten prosecution system that Israel runs in the West Bank for several years, currently lives in a house that was built solely due to the very same rottenness that pervades the law enforcement system in its entirety”.

Source: Quds Press International News Agency
Translated by: Middle East Monitor
In collaboration with the Palestinian Media Forum

http://english.pnn.ps/2018/05/06/ex-israel-chief-military-prosecutor-lives-in-home-built-on-privately-owned-palestinian-land/
 

TOM TREE (247)
Monday May 7, 2018, 10:39 am
Truly UNBELIEVABLE !!!
WTF !
 

fly bird (26)
Monday May 7, 2018, 6:02 pm
12 May, Austin: Nakba Day Return March.

Saturday, 12 May
2:00 pm
Texas State Capitol
1100 Congress Ave
Austin, TX
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/events/156185931886682/

ALL OUT FOR PALESTINE IN COMMEMORATION OF THE NAKBA AND THE ONGOING STRUGGLE FOR LIBERATION AND RETURN

WHEN: Saturday, May 12 @ 2:00PM

WHERE: Texas State Capitol

May 15th, 2018, marks 70 years of the ethnic cleansing of almost 800,000 Palestinians from their homes and lands, at the hands of zionist militias. To this day these refugees and their descendants are still barred from returning to Palestine. Israel has recently escalated its racist and genocidal policies, with the increased detention and murder of children, while Jerusalem, the capital of Palestine, is under threat. The Palestinian people, alongside their international allies, are organizing to let the world know that the land, from Haifa to Jerusalem to Gaza and all in between, will be liberated and that a sovereign, independent, free Palestine is inevitable as long as its people remain beacons of resistance and resilience.

We are gathering as a community to demand:

1. The right of return for ALL Palestinian refugees and their descendants
2. Israel keep its hands off Jerusalem, the capital of Palestine
3. The end of the 11 year blockade of Gaza
4. Freedom for all political prisoners
5. An end to Israeli colonization of ALL of historic Palestine

Despite over 70 years of Israeli colonialism, racism, occupation, and apartheid, the Palestinian people continue to resist and inspire the world to stand up against oppression in all its forms.

In the words of Marwan Barghouti, “Our chains will be broken before we are.”

http://samidoun.net/2018/05/12-may-austin-nakba-day-return-march/
 

fly bird (26)
Tuesday May 8, 2018, 1:27 am
Families Demolish Own Homes To Avoid High Fines In Jerusalem.
May 7, 2018

Several families from Qalandia town, north of occupied East Jerusalem, started demolishing sections of their own homes to avoid excessively high fines and costs, imposed by the Israeli City Council.

The families previously received orders demanding them to demolish their homes, or face high fines and penalties should the City Council and the military demolish their properties for being built without permits.

The families received verbal warnings regarding the demolition of their homes on April 24th, and today, were ordered to complete the destruction of their property within 72 hours, or face higher penalties.

It is worth mentioning that the families still face potential fines, after the High Court rules on cases filed against them for what the army claims “illegal constructions.”

Two years ago, the army demolished eleven homes in the area, and under the same allegations, while Israel is currently planning to demolish residential towers and a mosque in the al-Matar neighborhood.

Related: Soldiers Take Measurements Of Six Residential Buildings In Kafr ‘Aqab To Carry Out Demolition Orders

http://imemc.org/article/families-demolish-own-homes-to-avoid-high-fines-in-jerusalem/
 

Lona Goudswaard (66)
Tuesday May 8, 2018, 10:12 am
There's no way Palestinians can win if their houses are demolished while paying an (unjust) fine. The situation has really hit rock bottom when people start to tear their own homes down to avoid the excessive fines. And a prosecutor actually living in a house which is illegally constructed on Palestinian land is plain chutzpah.
Thanks for posting, Fly Bird.
 
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